The Development of Sectoral Worker Center Networks

Abstract

In this article, we argue that understanding the impact of economic structures on low-wage workers requires the study of emerging worker centers and networks and that individual labor market outcomes and experiences are mediated and impacted by the work of these institutions. We focus on the formation of sectoral worker center networks and address three key issues: (1) What are some of the reasons why worker centers and worker center networks have developed? (2) How do these organizations manage their roles as labor market institutions and social movement organizations? and (3) Why did worker center networks focus on employment and in particular sectors of the low-wage labor market? We find that sector-based organizing (1) facilitates the development of worker- and sector-targeted service strategies, thereby enabling low-wage worker groups and organizations to better achieve their service and policy goals; (2) maximizes opportunities for the organizations to obtain national resources; and (3) expands the reach of organizational networks by bringing organizations together to share resources and best practices. By providing a range of worker-, employment-, and labor market–centered services in specific labor market sectors, worker centers and their networks solidify their role as labor market institutions and become more effective advocacy and social movement organizations.

Migrant domestic workers and shifting strategies in organizing

“…DWU is now part of NDWA and CASA is now a member of the National Day Laborer Organizing Network—both promoting comprehensive immigration reform. These sectoral worker center networks are reflective of a new trend in labor organizing that aims at expanding organizational power by developing sector‐targeted service strategies and exchanging best strategies while simultaneously also working as a social movement organization (Cordero‐Guzmán, Izvănariu, & Narro, ). Domestic worker collectives who have engaged in this network have been able to expand their coalitions to include alliances with researchers, student–activists, and workers in related sectors and have coordinated gatherings to help identify key challenges at strengthening organizational power.…”

Worker Centers, Worker Center Networks, and the Promise of Protections for Low‐Wage Workers

“…Changes in the structure of the economy have combined with demographic changes in the population (resulting largely from increased immigration) to produce a much more diverse labor force and complex labor market (Osterman and Shulman ). In 2010, immigrants represented 16.4 percent of the U.S. labor force, and their share in the labor force has been growing steadily (Cordero‐Guzman and Nunez ). Immigrants who had entered the U.S. since 2000 accounted for 67 percent of the overall growth in the civilian labor force by 2005, and in 12 states they accounted for over 80 percent of growth.…”

“…); increases in the prevalence and incidence of various labor violations (Bernhardt et al. ); the evolving role and distribution of immigrant workers (Cordero‐Guzman, Izvanariu, and Narro, ); ways of extending the coverage and reach of the law throughout the labor market (Bernhardt ; Cordero‐Guzman, Izvanariu, and Narro ; Fine ; Fine and Gordon ; Milkman, Bloom, and Narro 2010; Milkman and Ott ; Yates Rivchin ); and the role of unions and emerging low‐wage worker organizations, and worker centers and networks (Cordero‐Guzman, Izvanariu, and Narro ; Fine ; Milkman, Bloom, and Narro 2010; Milkman and Ott ; Yates Rivchin ) in protecting workers, increasing the reach of employment labor law, and improving the pay, working conditions, and the lives of workers.…”

Low‐Wage Workers and Organizing

“…These strategies seek to advocate for worker concerns, address violations of labor laws, and provide services and programs that promote economic opportunity for vulnerable segments of the labor force. The literature variously refers to these groups and organizations as “worker organizations” (Fine ), “worker centers” (Fine ), “community unions” (Fine ), “alt‐labor” (Eidelson , ), “sectoral worker center networks” (Cordero‐Guzmán, Izvănariu, and Narro ), “quasi‐unions” (Bonner and Spooner ; Carre and Heckscher ), “migrant civil society organizations” (Cordero‐Guzmán ; Fox ; Theodore and Martin ), or “worker cooperatives” (Amin, Cameron, and Hudson 2003). Scholarship suggests that while there are many challenges, these organizations, strategies, programs, and campaigns are capable of addressing downgrading conditions in the low‐wage economy and providing workers with the tools, voice, and infrastructure needed to mediate labor market outcomes (Cordero‐Guzmán, Izvănariu, and Narro ).…”

“…The literature variously refers to these groups and organizations as “worker organizations” (Fine ), “worker centers” (Fine ), “community unions” (Fine ), “alt‐labor” (Eidelson , ), “sectoral worker center networks” (Cordero‐Guzmán, Izvănariu, and Narro ), “quasi‐unions” (Bonner and Spooner ; Carre and Heckscher ), “migrant civil society organizations” (Cordero‐Guzmán ; Fox ; Theodore and Martin ), or “worker cooperatives” (Amin, Cameron, and Hudson 2003). Scholarship suggests that while there are many challenges, these organizations, strategies, programs, and campaigns are capable of addressing downgrading conditions in the low‐wage economy and providing workers with the tools, voice, and infrastructure needed to mediate labor market outcomes (Cordero‐Guzmán, Izvănariu, and Narro ). Research, however, has highlighted the difficulties that these new modes of labor organizing face in achieving scale and developing capacity given broader social, political, and economic trends as well as structures and processes in which the low‐wage economy and workers are embedded (Fine ; Milkman, Bloom, and Narro ).…”