The developmental state is dead, long live the developmental regime! Interpreting Néstor Kirchner's Argentina 2003–2007

Wylde, Christopher

doi:10.1057/jird.2012.32

Cited by 15 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…Argentina, for example, between 2001 and 2002, went through a debt default, an abrupt currency devaluation and a banking crisis, and it lost about one third of its GDP under three presidents over that period (Castells, Caraça and Cardoso, 2012). The Argentinean government subsequently imposed a wide array of regulatory measures, ranging from price controls to export taxes to exchange rate controls (Wylde, 2014). The experience of Argentina is not unique-many Latin American countries are affected by the commonplace civilian unrest, protests, and strikes, all of which destabilize the business environment, generate uncertainty regarding the regulatory framework and property rights, and affect the cost of doing business (Machado, Scartascini and Tommasi, 2009).…”

Section: Research Design Sample and Data Sourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Home country uncertainty and the internationalization-performance relationship: Building an uncertainty management capability

Cuervo-Cazurra

Ciravegna

Melgarejo

et al. 2018

Journal of World Business

144

110

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Section: Research Design Sample and Data Sourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Home country uncertainty and the internationalization-performance relationship: Building an uncertainty management capability

Cuervo-Cazurra

Ciravegna

Melgarejo

et al. 2018

Journal of World Business

144

110

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“…This opens the door to the possibility of multiple capitalisms and many varied versions of economic development; or many different capitalisms or forms of development, each promoting the interests of different specific socio-economic groups (Pempel 1999: 145). As a result, different 'Developmental Regimes' (see Pempel 1999;Wylde 2012Wylde , 2014 are possible, based on different constellations of socio-economic interests rooted in state-society relationships that go beyond the narrow confines of embedded autonomy, authoritarianism, and the Developmental State concept.…”

Section: Embedded Autonomymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Completion of this task also requires a theory of power. Such an exercise will facilitate an understanding of why states follow certain development trajectories rather than others through a framework that has been termed a Developmental Regime-first coined by T.J. Pempel (1999), and subsequently developed in the context of Latin America (Wylde 2012(Wylde , 2014(Wylde , 2016. The domestic aspects of the Developmental Regime approach will be dealt with here, with aspects of international political economy and globalisation incorporated in the subsequent chapter.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Role of the State in Development

Wylde

2017

Emerging Markets and the State

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Conventionally, the concept of development has been equated with economic growth. As a result, mainstream literature-both academic and in the media-has viewed development as a fundamentally economic, perhaps even technocratic process. This book argues that development must be understood in much broader terms, as a historical change process (Kothari 2005: 5; see also Wylde 2012). It is the nature of this change that facilitates the marshalling of different resources to enact new ways to promote growth and welfare. After all, to paraphrase a popular analogy, growth on its own is simply about a bigger pie; development is about changing the very contents, make-up, and distribution of that pie-as well as growing its size. How is this intensely complex task to be undertaken, managed, and coordinated? (Neo)liberalism broadly states that this will happen spontaneously, a concept popularised by Adam Smith's 'invisible hand' of the market (Smith 1880/1776: 28). This book will argue that development does not happen solely of its own accord, and certainly not with the speed and continuity that is required if a real and sustained improvement in human welfare is to be achieved in the course of a generation. As Adrian Leftwich (2000: 7) noted: '…what is required is a central coordinating intelligence or coordinating capacity which can steer, push, cajole, persuade, entice, coordinate and at times instruct the wide range of economic agents and their groupings to go this way instead of that, to do this and not that, and which itself can act here or when private agents either cannot or will not'.

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“…It is variously called neodevelopmentalism (or its Spanish language equivalent, neodesarrollismo) and post-neoliberalism (in the light of a pronounced trend amongst left-wing governments in Latin America to reject the prescriptions of the Washington Consensus) Rigirozzi, 2007, 2012;Wylde 2013). As argued by Jean Grugel and P ıa Riggirozzi (2007: 87) this 'has involved a more dynamic role for the state in the pursuit of growth and social stability'.…”

Section: Challenging Smoot-hawley: Explaining (Non-) Conformitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining the resilience of free trade: The Smoot–Hawley myth and the crisis

Siles‐Brügge

2013

Review of International Political Economy

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Despite the onset of the current economic crisis there has been no significant move towards protectionism amongst most of the world's economies. Although rational institutionalist explanations point to the role played by the constraining rules of the World Trade Organisation, countries have largely remained open in areas where they have not legally bound their liberalisation. While accounts emphasising the increasing interdependence of global supply chains have some merit, I show that such explanations do not tell the full story, as integration into the global economy is not always associated with support for free trade during the crisis. In response, I develop a constructivist argument which highlights how particular ideas about the global trading system have become rooted in policy-making discourse, mediating the response of policy elites to protectionist pressures and temptations. Trade policy-makers and a group of leading economists have constructed an ideational imperative for continued openness (and for concluding the Doha Round, albeit less successfully) by drawing on a questionable reading of economic history (the Smoot-Hawley myth); by continually stressing protectionism's role as one of the causes of the Great Depression non-liberal responses to the current crisis have been all but ruled out by all except those willing to question the received wisdom.

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The developmental state is dead, long live the developmental regime! Interpreting Néstor Kirchner's Argentina 2003–2007

Cited by 15 publications

References 19 publications

Home country uncertainty and the internationalization-performance relationship: Building an uncertainty management capability

Home country uncertainty and the internationalization-performance relationship: Building an uncertainty management capability

The Role of the State in Development

Explaining the resilience of free trade: The Smoot–Hawley myth and the crisis

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