The Double Democratic Deficit in Climate Policy-making by the EU Commission

Magnusdottir, Gunnhildur Lily; Kronsell, Annica

doi:10.3224/feminapolitica.v25i2.25353

Cited by 7 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 14 publications

(20 reference statements)

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“…I maintain that my argument is more generally relevant: within other sectors there are also gender regimes with gendered path‐dependent institutions leading to gender constructions and institutional practices that rely on gender logics of appropriateness. A preliminary study of EU climate policy (Magnusdottir and Kronsell, ) confirms this. Gender is also silenced in the climate sector, even though the EU Commission's Directorate General for Climate Action (DG Climate) is much closer to an equal representation, with 40 per cent women policy‐makers.…”

Section: Concluding Discussionmentioning

confidence: 76%

The Power of EU Masculinities: A Feminist Contribution to European Integration Theory

Kronsell

2015

J of Common Market Studies

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This article advances feminist analysis in the study of European integration through a focus on gender power in relation to masculinity constructs. It takes issue with the fact that gender studies tend to equate gender with women. It sketches a feminist contribution to integration theory, where the EU is perceived as gender regimes at multiple levels. Gender identity constructsmasculinities and femininitiesrely on difference and are shifting across time, levels and sectors. Yet the variations of identity constructs are limited by well-established ideasgender binariesproviding continuity and path dependences to maintain the gender system, for example through the 'EU protector masculinity' in the EU CSDP. European integration thus is a process whereby EU masculinities and femininities are constructed through EU relations to other states in the global context and in EU policy-making and institution-building. *I am extremely grateful to the editors of this special issue for valuable input during various stages of work with this article, for the encouraging comments of the participants at the special issue workshop at the University of Kent, Canterbury in January 2016 and for the critical and insightful comments from two anonymous reviewers.

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Section: Concluding Discussionmentioning

confidence: 76%

The Power of EU Masculinities: A Feminist Contribution to European Integration Theory

Kronsell

2015

J of Common Market Studies

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“…However, contrary results were found in the third study, which was based on qualitative data from Scandinavian climate policymaking institutions. In that study, equal representation did not result in any visible effects on the content of climate policy documents nor on institutional practices [93,94]. Data on representation of the percentage of women in both political and administrative climate institutions (such as Environmental ministries and Environment, Transport and Energy Agencies in the cases of Norway, Denmark and Sweden.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 76%

“…Previous studies on representation and transport sustainability [91][92][93][94] have either used statistics on female representation in political bodies alone or female representation in political and administrative bodies together. The work of Ergas and York [92] also assessed the effects of women's political status, including information on the year of women's suffrage, thereby acknowledging that the share of female bodies may not mirror prevailing power relations and that various organizational positions, such as being a chairperson, have influence.…”

Section: Input To the Study Outlinementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Based on responses to these surveys, we constructed two indexes based on eight questions connected to the presence of sustainable transport planning documents, strategies and actions (see Table 3). The use of these variables was inspired by Magnusdottír and Kronsell [93,94] and Norgaard and York [91], who suggested that the relationship between women's representation and the level of sustainability in transport planning could be analyzed through documents, strategies and plans. Both surveys we used have a large coverage of Swedish municipalities with a response rate of approximately 90%.…”

Section: Sustainability In Transport Planningmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Investigating the Link between Transport Sustainability and the Representation of Women in Swedish Local Committees

et al. 2019

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There are large discrepancies in the transport sector along gender lines in travel patterns and means of transportation used, but also in attitudes and norms among citizens, planners and decision-makers, with women generally more positive towards measures involving the lowering CO2 emissions. At the same time, the number of women involved in transport-related decisions is low. This is a problem for gender equality but possibly also for sustainability. A careful review of previous studies indicated a lack of analyses on the subject based on quantitative data at the local level. We investigated a possible link between women’s presence in local policymaking and more sustainable transport policies, and whether it is possible to capture such an effect. The main contribution of this paper is a methodological approach in which, besides generating unique data on representation in municipalities (confirming men’s dominance, specifically in transport policymaking), possibilities for quantitatively measuring gender and the level of sustainability in transport planning are discussed and tested. Challenges in collecting relevant data and analyzing possible covariances in the data set are discussed and presented as well as suggestions for further investigations into the possible link between gender and sustainable transport performance.

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“…Class sometimes matters more than gender; women are not a homogenous group and there are considerable differences within the global north and the global south. Magnusdottir and Kronsell (2016, p. 66), for example, argue that, ‘Well‐educated, female climate experts most likely have less in common with low‐income working class women across Europe than with their male colleagues at the Commission and this applies to their climate impact as well as climate vulnerability’. An intersectional approach leads us to ask which inequalities matter in each case (Kaijser and Kronsell, 2014, p. 422).…”

Section: What Does Gender Have To Do With Climate Change?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Mainstreaming Gender and Climate Change to Achieve a Just Transition to a Climate‐Neutral Europe

Allwood

2020

J of Common Market Studies

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In November 2019 the European Parliament (2019/2930(RSP)) declared a climate and environmental emergency, calling for urgent and concrete action. The year 2019 was Europe's hottest year on record (Copernicus Climate Change Service, 2019), and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2018, p. v) reported that 'emissions of greenhouse gases due to human activities, the root cause of global warming, continue to increase, year after year'. Swedish teenage climate activist Greta Thunberg inspired and led a worldwide school strike movement, and mass protests dominated by young women took place around the world (Wahlström et al., 2019). The European Parliament resolution of 14 March 2019 (2019/2582(RSP)) 'welcomes the fact that people across Europe, in particular younger generations, are becoming increasingly active in demonstrating for climate justice'. At the institutional level 2019 was a year of renewal, with the European Parliament elections in May, the adoption of a new Council strategy in June and the appointment of a new Commission in December. Climate change was a priority for all these institutional actors. The Council strategy 2019-24, for example, insists on the urgent need to build a 'climate-neutral, green, fair and social Europe'. The new President of the Commission Ursula von der Leyen announced her intention to see Europe become the first climate-neutral continent by 2050. Climate change arrived on the EU agenda in the 1980s, emerging out of environmental policy, which was already established as an area that required transnational action. Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s the climate ambition of the EU exceeded its ability to agree on, and implement, effective actions (Dupont and Oberthür, 2015). When the USA withdrew from the Kyoto protocol in 2001 the EU took on a global leadership role and has continued to construct an identity as a global actor around the issue of climate change (Jordan et al., 2010). This had economic motivations (to avoid being undercut by exporters with lower environmental standards) but was also part of the post-Maastricht efforts to increase the EU's global actorness. The past decade has seen climate change gain prominence and take centre stage. In 2009 the landmark climate and energy framework (COM(2014)15 final) introduced targets for greenhouse gas emissions, energy efficiency and renewable energy. Within the European Commission climate action gained its own Directorate General, DG CLIMA. This was an important part of the process of institutionalizing climate change. The issue of climate change continued to rise up the EU and the global agenda, and there was a strong dynamic between the two. The Lisbon Treaty (2007) gave the EU competence to conclude international environmental agreements. The EU, along with its member states, is a party to the United Nations

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The Double Democratic Deficit in Climate Policy-making by the EU Commission

Cited by 7 publications

References 14 publications

The Power of EU Masculinities: A Feminist Contribution to European Integration Theory

The Power of EU Masculinities: A Feminist Contribution to European Integration Theory

Investigating the Link between Transport Sustainability and the Representation of Women in Swedish Local Committees

Mainstreaming Gender and Climate Change to Achieve a Just Transition to a Climate‐Neutral Europe

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