The effect of experimenter bias on the performance of the albino rat

Rosenthal, Robert; Fode, Kermit L.

doi:10.1002/bs.3830080302

Cited by 306 publications

(104 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…However, it is often sufficient to simply ask questions. Reporting investigators' initial expectations can benefit transparency (Rosenthal and Fode, 1963;Rosenthal, 2009), but expectations do not need to be called hypotheses. Expectations can also change, for example after a pilot study (see Tip 5) -this is part of the research process and does not need to be concealed.…”

Section: Before Analyzing Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Fair Statistical Communication in HCI

Dragicevic

2016

Human–Computer Interaction Series

271

247

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Statistics are tools to help end users accomplish their task. In research, to be qualified as usable, statistical tools should help researchers advance scientific knowledge by supporting and promoting the effective communication of research findings. Yet areas such as human-computer interaction (HCI) have adopted toolsi.e., p-values and dichotomous testing procedures -that have proven to be poor at supporting these tasks. The abusive use of these procedures has been severely criticized in a range of disciplines for several decades, suggesting that tools should be blamed, not end users. This chapter explains in a non-technical manner why it would be beneficial for HCI to switch to an estimation approach, i.e., reporting informative charts with effect sizes and interval estimates, and offering nuanced interpretations of our results. Advice is offered on how to communicate our empirical results in a clear, accurate, and transparent way without using any tests or p-values.

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Section: Before Analyzing Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Fair Statistical Communication in HCI

Dragicevic

2016

Human–Computer Interaction Series

271

247

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“…Experimental control should begin at the point of recording, where speakers should be unaware of the experimental design to avoid unconscious biases (Rosenthal & Fode 1963). Additionally, controlling for the prosodic properties of auditory stimuli is critical, because prosody has known effects on sound-symbolic interpretations.…”

Section: The Experimental Study Of Sound Symbolismmentioning

confidence: 99%

What sound symbolism can and cannot do: Testing the iconicity of ideophones from five languages

Dingemanse¹,

Schuerman²,

Reinisch³

et al. 2016

Language

114

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Sound symbolism is a phenomenon with broad relevance to the study of language and mind, but there has been a disconnect between its investigations in linguistics and psychology. This study tests the sound-symbolic potential of ideophones-words described as iconic-in an experimental task that improves over prior work in terms of ecological validity and experimental control. We presented 203 ideophones from five languages to eighty-two Dutch listeners in a binary-choice task, in four versions: original recording, full diphone resynthesis, segments-only resynthesis, and prosody-only resynthesis. Listeners guessed the meaning of all four versions above chance, confirming the iconicity of ideophones and showing the viability of speech synthesis as a way of controlling for segmental and suprasegmental properties in experimental studies of sound symbolism. The success rate was more modest than prior studies using pseudowords like bouba/kiki, implying that assumptions based on such words cannot simply be transferred to natural languages. Prosody and segments together drive the effect: neither alone is sufficient, showing that segments and prosody work together as cues supporting iconic interpretations. The findings cast doubt on attempts to ascribe iconic meanings to segments alone and support a view of ideophones as words that combine arbitrariness and iconicity. We discuss the implications for theory and methods in the empirical study of sound symbolism and iconicity.*

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“…Rather than presenting subjects with information about inequality, this study experimentally induces inequality in a person's natural, ordinary environment. Furthermore, prior research on inequality effects has typically occurred in a relatively artificial context in which, among other concerns, outcomes are subject to experimenter effects (12,13). I measure revealed preferences through a realworld behavior, in a context in which experimenter effects are highly implausible.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Exposure to inequality affects support for redistribution

Sands

2017

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

149

116

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The distribution of wealth in the United States and countries around the world is highly skewed. How does visible economic inequality affect well-off individuals' support for redistribution? Using a placebo-controlled field experiment, I randomize the presence of poverty-stricken people in public spaces frequented by the affluent. Passersby were asked to sign a petition calling for greater redistribution through a "millionaire's tax." Results from 2,591 solicitations show that in a real-world-setting exposure to inequality decreases affluent individuals' willingness to redistribute. The finding that exposure to inequality begets inequality has fundamental implications for policymakers and informs our understanding of the effects of poverty, inequality, and economic segregation. Confederate race and socioeconomic status, both of which were randomized, are shown to interact such that treatment effects vary according to the race, as well as gender, of the subject.inequality | redistribution | field experiment | political science | taxation T he distribution of wealth in many countries across the globe is highly skewed. In the United States, the gap between the top 1% of earners and everyone else was wider in 2012 than any time since before the Great Depression (1) and is a pervasive social and political phenomenon (2). With this phenomenon comes visible manifestations of inequality, which affect social interactions from cooperation (3) to conflict (4). However, very little is known about how direct exposure to inequality in everyday settings-such as poverty and homelessness in relatively wealthy neighborhoods-shapes human behavior. Isolating this causal effect is challenging because of selective sorting. To overcome this difficulty, I experimentally manipulate exposure to inequality that occurs on sidewalks and street corners. Using a randomized placebo-controlled field experiment, I show momentary passive "contact" with a poverty stricken person in an affluent public place can change people's willingness to actively support redistributive policies.Economic inequality is an abstract concept that is difficult to concretely portray without the help of numbers, graphs, or words. Understanding the implications of exposure to inequality as a personal experience, rather than as an impersonal abstraction, requires the manipulation of microlevel contextual features. I evoke everyday inequality by placing poor individuals in a place of affluence. (Using a separate, online experiment, detailed in SI Appendix, I show that subjects describe images of the poor in affluent settings as depicting inequality. Thus, I use the terms "exposure to inequality" and "poverty in an affluent setting" interchangeably.)Those with the means to live and shop in such neighborhoods are more likely than the average citizen to participate in politics and donate to political causes and thus wield a disproportionate influence over politics and policy (2).The experimental intervention created a microenvironment of inequality that was both highly reali...

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The effect of experimenter bias on the performance of the albino rat

Cited by 306 publications

References 6 publications

Fair Statistical Communication in HCI

Fair Statistical Communication in HCI

What sound symbolism can and cannot do: Testing the iconicity of ideophones from five languages

Exposure to inequality affects support for redistribution

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