2015
DOI: 10.1093/aler/ahv013
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The Effect of Statutory Rape Laws on Teen Birth Rates

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Cited by 3 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…The estimated impacts are consistent with previous evidence on the effect of such legislation in the US (Frakes and Harding 2015) and perhaps surprisingly, fairly consistent across countries. Evidence from Wolfe et al (2007), Kearney and Levine (2012b) and Kearney and Levine (2014) also suggests that much variation in teen fertility seems driven by conscious reactions, often to economic opportunities.…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 89%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The estimated impacts are consistent with previous evidence on the effect of such legislation in the US (Frakes and Harding 2015) and perhaps surprisingly, fairly consistent across countries. Evidence from Wolfe et al (2007), Kearney and Levine (2012b) and Kearney and Levine (2014) also suggests that much variation in teen fertility seems driven by conscious reactions, often to economic opportunities.…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 89%
“…The paper relates to the evaluation of criminal legislation for sexual crimes, for which there is relatively little evidence overall.Directly related to age of consent and statutory rape legislation, Jepsen and Jepsen (2006) and Henry and Cunningham (2009) provide US evidence of a negative correlation between statutory rape laws and teen births and age of consent laws and age of first sexual activity, respectively. More closely related to this paper, Frakes and Harding (2015) pool and analyze over 20 changes in age of consent and statutory rape laws across US states over several decades, including the 1995 Georgia age of consent increase, and present aggregate evidence that these laws decrease teen fertility, although little evidence of an effect for increasing punishment severity. I contribute to this literature first by providing the first formal evidence for Canada, for which we may expect such legislation to potentially have very different effects considering its much lower rates of teen birth and marriage as well as differences in context and legislation (McKay 2006, Kearney and Levine 2012b).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As there is no research to date to substantiate that a cut-off of 21 years of age correctly captures important distinguishing case characteristics (e.g., victim risk, perceived coercion), it is unclear which state laws—those creating a cut-off or those without one—are functioning as intended. The data showing that over half of statutory rape offenders may be 21 and younger raise such questions (Cohen, 2009; Frakes & Harding, 2015; High, 2016; Robinson & Williams, 2017) as well as raise the question of why research has yet to ask questions about a 21-year-of-age divide. To the best of our knowledge, research has yet to examine any presumption of less harm (coercion and other risks) coming to adolescent victims involved with offenders younger than 21 versus older or to speak to whether we need to worry that states’ statutory rape laws vary with regard to whether and where they draw their offender age lines (Glosser et al, 2004).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%