The Effect of Technology on Alienation from Work

Hull, Frank M.; Friedman, Nathalie; Rogers, Theresa F.

doi:10.1177/0730888482009001003

Cited by 28 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…This almost purposeful misreading of the data must be tracked to ideological bias (Hamilton and Wright, 1982). Hatred of machines and bureaucracy leads many sociologists to attribute their feelings to the working class (Roberts, 1978), despite evidence that most workers like their machines and are not disturbed by working in bureaucracies (Mueller et al, 1969;Form, 1976a;Form and McMillen, 1983;Hull, Friedman, and Rogers, 1982). Professors probably underestimate the complexity of low skill jobs and workers' ingenuity in making them satisfying and/or bearable (Kusterer, 1978).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…But even if technological explanations were accepted, most studies confirm Blauner's ( 1964) thesis that alienation is lower among workers in automated industries than in mechanical industries. Assuming that automation will increase, we may infer that work alienation will decrease (Hull, Friedman, and Rogers, 1982); however, no longitudinal research dealing with this question exists.…”

Section: Is Work Discontent Increasing?mentioning

confidence: 95%

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Sociological Research and the American Working Class

Form

1983

The Sociological Quarterly

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Postwar literature reveals that sociologists disagree on the composition of the working class and neglect to specify relationships among its manual, clerical, and service workers. Contrary to Marxist thought, evidence on the deskilling of working-class occupations is inconclusive. Marxist and non-Marxists agree that management has not succeeded in dictating the control of work. The literature fails to locate connections between technology, work alienation, job dissatisfaction, and the societal alienation of workers. Weakest theory and research deal with the political mobilization of the working class, which is hampered by its internal stratification and cleavages. Paradoxically, labor unions are more effective in promoting consumer interests than those of their members or other workers.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: Is Work Discontent Increasing?mentioning

confidence: 95%

Sociological Research and the American Working Class

Form

1983

The Sociological Quarterly

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“…For example, Wallace and Kalleberg's (1982) study documented an apparent sizable downgrading in skill levels of printing occupations. Yet, the study by Hull, Friedman, and Rodgers (1982) showed a small group of retrained printers from three large New York City newspapers enjoyed expanded, more intellectually demanding printing jobs after the technological change. Why did their experience differ so radically from the total group of printers?…”

Section: Summary Of Case Study Evidencementioning

confidence: 95%

“…Second, the case for more postsecondary general and vocational education comes from studies that show educated workers are better able to adapt to technological change and are less likely to experience the adverse consequences of technological change (for examples, see Hull et al, 1982;Jaffe & Froomkin, 1968;Mueller et al, 1969). In policy terms, this means more schooling for the lowest one-third or onehalf of persons in the schooling distribution versus more schooling for the top half, which might have the opposite effect of increasing educational inequality.…”

Section: General and Specific Skillsmentioning

confidence: 98%

The Upgrading and Downgrading of Occupations: Issues, Evidence, and Implications for Education

Spenner

1985

Review of Educational Research

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This paper reviews a major debate that has implications for educational research and policy communities. The debate concerns the skill upgrading versus downgrading of occupations in the United States and relationships to schooling and vocational preparation. The review summarizes the major positions in the debate, surveys the evidence on skill changes, including methodological and design issues and concepts and measures for skill, and discusses research and policy implications for general and vocational education.sures of skill are uneven. Unidimensional, undefined concepts along with nonmeasures and indirect measures are the norm; multidimensional concepts and direct measures of skill are the exception. Current evidence suggests we give more attention to two primary dimensions of the skill requirements of occupations: substantive complexity and autonomy-control. We do not have comprehensive knowledge about the relationships among these dimensions of skill requirements of occupations, the capacities of workers, and the learning and skills acquired through education.More comprehensive and accurate judgments about skill changes will require attention to design and methodological issues. Skill changes occur at the levels of occupations, industries, firms, sectors, and the society. Aggregate and case studies comprise the major designs in the study of skill changes. The designs have characteristic strengths and weaknesses and tend to yield different conclusions. Comprehensive understanding will require both types of designs along with consideration of shifts in skill through changes in the work content of occupations and through compositional shifts in the occupational structure. Further, existing studies afford only limited coverage to the sample space of work and jobs in the economy for limited spans of recent history.The following sections of the paper sketch the major positions in the debate, review the state of the evidence, and finally, consider the issues and implications for educational policy. Theoretical Positions 1 Upgrading ArgumentsThe industrialization thesis best illustrates the upgrading position (Kerr, Dunlop, Harbison, & Myers, 1964). The logic of industrialization involves a division of labor that evolves along the lines of greater differentiation and efficiency. Technological change raises productivity, requiring a broader variety of skills and higher average skills from the work force. Industrialization requires greater occupational and geographic mobility and an educational system that supplies the skills, training, and specialization for the economy. Automation and other technological changes tend to eliminate boring and routinized work; workers experience less close supervision and have more responsibility; work becomes more complex and interrelated, particularly in high technology fields.Proponents of the upgrading thesis cite two forms of evidence: (a) major shifts in the occupational structure, particularly the growth of professional, technical, and managerial occupations since 1900; and (b)...

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“…On the other hand, Blauner (1964) proposed an empirical operationalization of Marx's concept of alienation into four dimensions: powerlessness, meaninglessness, social alienation and selfestrangement. This analysis, although open to criticism (Edgell 2006: 36), initiated a subjectivist tradition of studying intrinsic job quality which has been applied to different countries and work environments (see, for example, Shepard 1977;Hull et al 1982;Vallas 1988).…”

Section: Theoretical Background: Approaches To Measuring Job Qualitymentioning

confidence: 99%