The Effects of Alcohol on the Consumption of Hard Drugs: Regression Discontinuity Evidence from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, 1997

Deza, Monica

doi:10.1002/hec.3027

Cited by 35 publications

(55 citation statements)

References 31 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Consistent with the hypothesis that marijuana and alcohol are substitutes, there is evidence that marijuana participation falls sharply when individuals reach the minimum legal drinking age (Crost and Guerrero, ) but the relationship between marijuana consumption and crime is still debated (Morris et al ., ) . A number of previous studies have examined the relationship between alcohol and the use of illicit drugs other than marijuana (Petry, ; Sumnall et al ., ; Jofre‐Bonet and Petry, ; Conover and Scrimgeour, ; Deza, ) but their results have been decidedly mixed.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Wet Laws, Drinking Establishments and Violent Crime

Anderson

Crost

Rees

2017

The Economic Journal

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. www.econstor.eu We provide evidence that these counties experienced substantial increases in the total number of establishments with on-premises liquor licenses (e.g., bars and restaurants). Using legalization as an instrument, we show that a 10 percent increase in drinking establishments is associated with a 4 percent increase in violent crime. Reduced-form estimates suggest that legalizing the sale of alcohol to the general public for on-premises consumption is associated with an 11 percent increase in violent crime. Terms of use: Documents in D I S C U S S I O N P A P E R S E R I E SJEL Classification: H75, K42

show abstract

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Wet Laws, Drinking Establishments and Violent Crime

Anderson

Crost

Rees

2017

The Economic Journal

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“… 2 In similar studies, Crost and Guerrero () and Deza () find evidence that the additional consumption of alcohol has a displacement effect on the use of marijuana and the use of harder drugs, respectively. See also the debate between Crost and Rees () and Yörük and Yörük (2011; ) who come to different conclusions on whether alcohol and illegal drugs are complements while using the same data.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Breaking The Link Between Legal Access To Alcohol And Motor Vehicle Accidents: Evidence From New South Wales

2015

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

A large literature has documented significant public health benefits associated with the minimum legal drinking age in the United States, particularly because of the resulting effects on motor vehicle accidents. These benefits form the primary basis for continued efforts to restrict youth access to alcohol. It is important to keep in mind, though, that policymakers have a wide variety of alcohol-control options available to them, and understanding how these policies may complement or substitute for one another can improve policy making moving forward. Towards this end, we propose that investigating the causal effects of the minimum legal drinking age in New South Wales, Australia provides a particularly informative case study, because Australian states are among the world leaders in their efforts against drunk driving. Using an age-based regression-discontinuity design applied to restricted-use data from several sources, we find no evidence that legal access to alcohol has effects on motor vehicle accidents of any type in New South Wales, despite having large effects on drinking and on hospitalizations due to alcohol abuse.JEL Classification: I18, K32

show abstract

“…Others have found that drug use tends to decline once youth reach the legal drinking age, suggesting short-term substitution (Deza, 2014). Although we did not examine short-term substitution or complementarity during adolescence or young adulthood, our results suggest long-term complementarity and support the argument that allowing access to alcohol during adolescence could lead to more drug use problems in adulthood.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A study of Australian survey data from 1988-1995 found that an increase in the price of alcohol increased the probability of marijuana use (Cameron and Williams, 2001). When examining the immediate effects of discontinuity of alcohol availability created by the current MLDA of 21 years on drug use among young adults, as alcohol consumption increased at age 21, there was a sharp decrease in consumption of hard drugs and marijuana (Crost and Guerrero, 2012; Deza, 2014) or no significant changes in marijuana use (Crost and Rees, 2013; Yörük and Yörük, 2013). …”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Long-term effects of minimum legal drinking age laws on marijuana and other illicit drug use in adulthood

Krauss

Cavazos‐Rehg

Agrawal

et al. 2015

Drug and Alcohol Dependence

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Background Exposure to permissive minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) laws (ability to purchase alcohol <21 years) during adolescence can have long-term effects, including heavy alcohol use or alcohol use disorders as adults. We examined whether exposure to permissive MLDA laws during adolescence has long-term effects on illicit drug use and disorders in adulthood. Methods Participants from the 2004-2012 National Survey of Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) were linked with historical state MLDA laws. Participants born in 1949-1972 (age 31-63 years at observation, n=110,300) were analyzed because they came of legal age for alcohol purchase when changes occurred in state MLDA laws. Logistic regression was used to model drug use measures as a function of exposure to permissive MLDA during adolescence, adjusting for state and birth-year fixed effects, demographics, and salient state characteristics. Results Rates of past month use, past year use, and abuse/dependence of marijuana were 4.7%, 7.8%, and 1.2% respectively. Rates of past month use, past year use, and abuse/dependence of illicit drugs other than marijuana were 2.9%, 6.2%, and 0.7%, respectively. Among the full sample, exposure to permissive MLDA laws was not significantly associated with drug use or abuse/dependence in adulthood. Men exposed to permissive MLDA laws were at 20% increased odds of past year illicit drug use (aOR 1.20, 95% CI 1.09-1.32). Conclusions Restricting alcohol access during adolescence did not increase long-term drug use. Allowing the purchase of alcohol among those less than 21 years of age could increase the risk of drug use later in life.

show abstract

The Effects of Alcohol on the Consumption of Hard Drugs: Regression Discontinuity Evidence from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, 1997

Cited by 35 publications

References 31 publications

Wet Laws, Drinking Establishments and Violent Crime

Wet Laws, Drinking Establishments and Violent Crime

Breaking The Link Between Legal Access To Alcohol And Motor Vehicle Accidents: Evidence From New South Wales

Long-term effects of minimum legal drinking age laws on marijuana and other illicit drug use in adulthood

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About