The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship

Engstrom, Richard L.; McDonald, Michael D.

doi:10.2307/1961369

Cited by 153 publications

(79 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…The vast majority of research attempting to answer this question has focused on the indirect effect of the VRA on black representation. In particular, building upon the large body of research demonstrating an association between single-member districts and minority representation (Bullock and MacManus 1993;Engstrom and McDonald 1981;Karnig and Welch 1982;Marschall, Ruhil and Shah 2010;Meier and England 1984;Trounstine and Valdini 2008), scholars have long hypothesized that electoral changes in covered jurisdictions would lead to increases in minority representation. Specifically, single-member districts (SMD) are argued to concentrate blacks into compact electoral districts, reducing their reliance upon other groups in the electorate and increasing their capacity to elect black candidates to legislative office.…”

Section: How? Explaining Black Gains In Council Representationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

Shah¹,

Marschall²,

Ruhil³

2013

The Journal of Politics

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Sound evidence demonstrating what, if any, role the Voting Rights Act (VRA) has played in the impressive gains minorities have made in local office holding over the last 45 years remains in short supply. The present study is motivated by three crucial questions. First, where are gains in minority office holding most apparent, and how are these gains related to the VRA? Second, while studies have noted gains in black representation over time, the question of how the VRA in particular has contributed to these gains remains unclear. Finally, given claims made by opponents of the 2006 legislation reauthorizing the VRA that it was no longer needed, the question of when the VRA has been most efficacious, and if it continues to be relevant, is also salient. Our findings suggest that the VRA has been and continues to be an important tool in ensuring black descriptive representation, particularly in places with a legacy of racial intimidation and discrimination.

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Section: How? Explaining Black Gains In Council Representationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

Shah¹,

Marschall²,

Ruhil³

2013

The Journal of Politics

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“…Several studies have identified the resources available to the black population as an important factor in helping minorities develop strategies to achieve their political goals (Engstrom and McDonald 1981), mobilize more minority voters (Browning, Marshall, and Tabb 1984), develop the leadership potential to sustain interest group activities (Giles and Evans 1985), and increase the supply of qualified minority candidates (Meier and Stewart 1991). At-large systems require black candidates to mobilize more voters across a larger geographic space, and given findings suggesting that AL systems impede the conversion of black resources to black school board seats (Robinson, England, and Meier 1985), we expect resources to be particularly salient in AL structures.…”

Section: Modeling Black Representationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The New Racial Calculus: Electoral Institutions and Black Representation in Local Legislatures

Marschall

Ruhil

Shah

2009

American J Political Sci

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In this study we revisit the question of black representation on city councils and school boards using a novelO ver the past several decades, social scientists interested in questions of race and representation in American politics have paid considerable attention to black representation on city councils and local school boards. These investigations have focused almost exclusively on two explanatory factors: the voting strength of the black population and local electoral institutions. This focus is predicated on conventional assumptions that given a choice, black voters prefer electing black candidates and that blacks come closer to achieving proportional representation as their share of the electorate increases. Electoral institutions are believed to condition the "seats/population" relationship with at-large election (AL) systems impeding the election of minorities, particularly in the South where racial voting has been most pervasive.Extant research espouses this relatively simple model of representation despite mixed empirical results. Specifically, although many studies find that the likelihood of attaining proportionality increases as the share of the black population increases and that blacks are less proportionally represented on city councils and school boards when The authors wish to thank three anonymous referees and the editor for their comments and suggestions.elected at large rather than from single-member districts (SMD), important exceptions exist (Alozie and Manganaro 1993;Welch 1990;Welch and Karnig 1978). Further, despite similarities in the models and methods employed to study black council and board representation, results suggest that blacks are more proportionally represented on boards (Meier and England 1984;Welch and Karnig 1978).More generally, the literature reflects two enduring puzzles. First, given the higher incidence of AL arrangements in municipalities and school districts and the fact that blacks are a minority in most jurisdictions in America, what accounts for blacks' representational gains over the past several decades? Second, if electoral structure and voting strength play identical roles in council and board contests, why do empirical studies find more "equitable" representation on boards than councils? Do mechanisms other than the size of the black population and SMD arrangements matter for black representation in local governing bodies?

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“…Research posits that while black community resources are the most significant determinants of black political success (Bullock 1975;Kamig 1976Kamig , 1979Latimer 1979;Kamig and Welch 1980;Engstrom andMcDonald 1981, 1982;Bullock and MacManus 1987;Welch and Bledsoe 1988), a disproportionate amount of those resources are channeled toward the election of black men (Kamig andWelch 1980: 472;Sigelman and Sigelman 1982). Compounding lack of resources, voters may place a higher premium on district seats-given a choice between a man or a woman (Welch and Karnig 1979).…”

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confidence: 99%

Women's Council Representation: Measurement Implications for Public Policy

Alozie

Manganaro

1993

Political Research Quarterly

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Previous accounts of the determinants of women's service on city councils focused on the degree of women's representation. In this paper we suggest that understanding women's representation on these legislative bodies requires that attention also be paid to potential differences between communities where women have been able to break the cycle of exclusion from those where they have not. This paper compares two different measures of women's council representation using both logit and the OLS regression. The results indicate that, alone, electoral structure is not a significant explanatory factor in understanding either the presence of women on city councils or the extent of women's representation on these legislative bodies. However, the size of the legislative body has a significant effect which, except among district election cities, largely improves the likelihood of electing a woman to the council (as compared to improving the degree of women's representation). Other results indicate significant regional disparities which favor the Midwest and West over the Northeast and South. The past three decades witnessed a gradual integration of women into policymaking positions in local government in the United States. As women's role in governance at the local level continues to expand, so has the torrent of literature exploring the correlates of women's officeholding in city politics (cf.In the typical account on the determinants of women's service on city councils since the 1980s, the percentage of council seats occupied by women is regressed on electoral structure and other ecological factors. Within this framework, analysts continue to make pronouncements about the factors NOTE: We wish to thank Anne L. Schneider and Alvin Mushkatal for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

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The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship

Cited by 153 publications

References 9 publications

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

The New Racial Calculus: Electoral Institutions and Black Representation in Local Legislatures

Women's Council Representation: Measurement Implications for Public Policy

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