I. INTRODUCTION 1European State aid rules and decision-making has always been politically sensitive. In contrast to antitrust or mergers, State aid control is '… the privileged dialogue between the Commission, national governments and favoured firms '. 2 The relationship between the Commission and Member States lies at its heart, however, with firms playing only an indirect role. Given their strong distributive element, State aid measures and EU responses to those measures also have the potential to attract considerable public attention. For elite actors, however, reference to the politics of State aid control has pejorative overtones. In order to assure the credibility of EU State aid control the Commission seeks to avoid political conflicts about individual decisions. For decades, the Commission has sought to commit itself to strict State aid control by developing an increasingly complex system of soft and hard rules. 3 More recently, the strengthening of economic analysis in the handling of individual cases was partly justified as an additional means of minimising the potential for political interference. This has meant that for many years now political conflict about individual State aid decisions has become the exception rather than the rule, such that even during the recent financial and economic crisis, the Commission managed to sustain a rule-based approach and to temporally limit the exceptions made. Nevertheless, EU State aid control remains inherently 'political' 4 in at least three respects: first, competition policy in general, and State aid control in particular, are horizontal policies which touch upon a broad variety of goals other than competition, for example, innovation, environmental protection, regional development. Balancing these different goals against each other and setting priorities involves political judgement. Second, the enforcement of EU State aid rules heavily depends on their general acceptance by, and the cooperation of, Member State governments. In order to develop EU State aid control and given its limited own resources, the Commission needs to be sensitive to what is politically feasible at the level of Member States, realising that the policy '… restrains the ability of democratically elected governments to 1 This chapter updates Michael Blauberger's excellent contribution to the first edition of this volume. The author would like to thank Prof. Blauberger for allowing much of his earlier work to be carried over into this chapter.