The emergence of the Bristol School of Multiculturalism

Uberoi, Varun; Modood, Tariq

doi:10.1177/1468796819840728

Cited by 13 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 49 publications

(79 reference statements)

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“…I can only repeat what I have argued in earlier responses to Modood and Parekh: I do not believe they have identified a single case of a multiculturalist claim that they would wish to defend which does not fit comfortably within the boundaries of a liberal multiculturalism (Kymlicka, 2001b). Levey himself has made the same observation in his own earlier response to Modood (Levey, 2009), arguing that the purported contrast with liberal multiculturalism was overstated, and U/M acknowledge that the substantive policy claims being defended within BSM are indeed those defended by liberal multiculturalism (Uberoi and Modood, 2019: 13).…”

Section: Misdiagnosing Differencesmentioning

confidence: 87%

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Deschooling multiculturalism

Kymlicka

2019

Ethnicities

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In recent work, Geoffrey Brahm Levey has argued that we can distinguish various schools of multiculturalism on the basis of their methodology (in particular, how they relate theory to practice), and their substantive normative commitments (in particular, their normative commitments regarding liberalism and nationalism). In this article, I offer some reservations about Levey’s analysis. I suggest instead that the various authors Levey discusses in fact share a surprisingly similar diagnosis and remedy. They all seek to expose the selectivity in liberals’ self-understanding of core liberal concepts such as impartiality, colour-blindness, equality, anti-discrimination, secularism, citizenship, civic nationalism, or constitutional patriotism. This selectivity operates in a way that impugns minority claims as always already sectarian, partial and exceptional, while rendering majority claims as always already universal, impartial, and normal. And these authors also broadly agree on the proper remedy to this bias, which is not to reject these core liberal values, but to reinterpret them in a more even-handed way. I offer several examples of how this shared mode of argument is found across the different authors that Levey identifies, and how Levey's attempt to put authors into distinct schools is potentially distorting.

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Section: Misdiagnosing Differencesmentioning

confidence: 87%

“… 4 For example, secularism was not central to Taylor’s (1992) ‘Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition’ essay, but in his more recent work, a revised understanding of secularism is said to be essential to a successful interculturalism. We can see similar shifts in Alan Patten’s work, or my own work.…”

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confidence: 99%

Deschooling multiculturalism

Kymlicka

2019

Ethnicities

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“… 3 This distinction of ‘group-based multiculturalism’ as different from an ‘autonomy-based multiculturalism’ may also be associated with what Geoffrey Levey terms the ‘Bristol School of Multiculturalism’ (BSM) (Levey, 2019). While acknowledging the various arguments on the elements that distinguish the BSM from other variegations of multiculturalism (Meer, 2019; Uberoi and Modood, 2019)and if multiculturalism should indeed be ‘schooled’ (Kymlicka, 2019), I use this distinction merely to articulate my position within the various approaches to multiculturalism rather than to prove or disprove the validity of the BSM as a ‘school’.…”

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confidence: 99%

Multiculturalism beyond citizenship: The inclusion of non-citizens

Teo

2021

Ethnicities

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This article questions multiculturalism’s reliance on citizenship as a default condition of inclusion. While agreeing with multiculturalists that there are groups within the citizenry who are excluded from citizenship rights on the basis of their cultural background, this article highlights the misrecognition of non-citizens that is yet unaccounted for by Anglophone theories of multiculturalism where eligibility to multicultural rights-claiming hinges on the condition of formal citizenship. The status of non-citizenship affects conceptions of ‘difference’ where representations of cultural ‘otherness’ are compounded by the ‘foreignness’ of non-citizens. Frameworks of multicultural citizenship entail recognition through group-specific rights, but only for citizens, in so doing excluding the needs and rights of non-citizens. The assumption made by multiculturalists is that citizenship is a condition of multicultural rights and/or recognition despite scenarios where non-citizens may not desire the citizenship of their host country, or the idea of ‘belonging’ it is attached to. Appealing to multiculturalist principles and the neo-republican notion of non-domination, I argue that multiculturalism as a theory can challenge the limitations of citizenship by expanding its compass to include non-citizens as multicultural subjects.

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“…led to mutual learning and produced the foundations of the 'Bristol School of Multiculturalism', in which Parekh and Modood have influenced various other scholars (Levey 2019;Uberoi and Modood 2019).…”

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confidence: 99%

Ethnocentric political theory, secularism and multiculturalism

Modood

Bauböck

Carens

et al. 2020

Contemp Polit Theory

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The emergence of the Bristol School of Multiculturalism

Cited by 13 publications

References 49 publications

Deschooling multiculturalism

Deschooling multiculturalism

Multiculturalism beyond citizenship: The inclusion of non-citizens

Ethnocentric political theory, secularism and multiculturalism

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