The emergence, progress, and impact of sound change in progress in Seoul Korean: Implications for mechanisms of tonogenesis

Bang, Hyeyoung; Sonderegger, Morgan; Kang, Yoonjung; Clayards, Meghan; Yoon, Tae‐Jin

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2017.09.005

Cited by 64 publications

(63 citation statements)

References 91 publications

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“…Seoul Korean, for example, has three stop categories, two of which are not well differentiated from each other via VOT alone (Abramson & Whalen, 2017;Lisker & Abramson, 1964), at least not in the utteranceinitial position. Evidence has been mounting that another acoustic correlate, namely the fundamental frequency at the onset of the vowel immediately following the stop, contributes greatly to the dis tinction between Korean stop categories (Bang et al, 2018;Cho et al, 2002;Kagaya, 1974;Kang & Guion, 2008;Kim, 2004). This highlighted the need for a more multi dimensional approach to the acoustic investigations of laryngeal categories, specifi cally addressing the contribution of what are often considered secondary cues to voic ing.…”

Section: Vot As a Correlate Of Laryngeal Contrastsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Both directions of f0 difference have been reported in languages with two and threeway laryngeal contrasts: t < t h (Erickson, 1975;Hoole & Honda, 2011;Jeel, 1975;Kirby, 2014aKirby, , 2016Lai et al, 2009;Lehiste & Peterson, 1961;Ohde, 1984;Petersen, 1983;Shimizu, 1996) and t h < t (Chen, 2011;Francis et al, 2006;Gandour, 1974;Shimizu, 1996;Xu & Xu, 2003). Among the threeway languages, Korean is in a category of its own with a unique contrast between lenis (long lag VOT), fortis (short lag VOT), and aspirated (extra long lag VOT) stops; order of f0 differences: t h (lenis) < t (fortis) < t h : (aspirated) (Bang et al, 2018;Cho et al, 2002;Kang & Guion, 2008). For Korean in particular, it has been argued that both VOT and onset f0 are indispensable for implementing the threeway distinction since a considerable overlap between categories is present when each dimension is considered separately (Chang, 2012;Cho et al, 2002).…”

Section: Onset F0 As a Correlate Of Laryngeal Contrastsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

Dmitrieva

Dutta

2019

Phonetica

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The study examines acoustic correlates of the four-way laryngeal contrast in Marathi, focusing on temporal parameters, voice quality, and onset f0. Acoustic correlates of the laryngeal contrast were investigated in the speech of 33 native speakers of Marathi, recorded in Mumbai, India, producing a word list containing six sets of words minimally contrastive in terms of laryngeal specification of word-initial velar stops. Measurements were made for the duration of prevoicing, release, and voicing during release. Fundamental frequency was measured at the onset of voicing following the stop and at 10 additional time points. As measures of voice quality, amplitude differences between the first and second harmonic (H1-H2) and between the first harmonic and the third formant (H1-A3) were calculated. The results demonstrated that laryngeal categories in Marathi are differentiated based on temporal measures, voice quality, and onset f0, although differences in each dimension were unequal in magnitude across different pairs of stop categories. We conclude that a single acoustic correlate, such as voice onset time, is insufficient to differentiate among all the laryngeal categories in languages such as Marathi, characterized by complex four-way laryngeal contrasts. Instead, a joint contribution of several acoustic correlates creates a robust multidimensional contrast.with a fourway laryngeal contrast for stop consonants (Simple UPSID interface). The World Phonotactics Database indicates a similar proportion: 74 languages or 1.9% of the database (Donohue et al., 2013).

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Section: Vot As a Correlate Of Laryngeal Contrastsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Onset F0 As a Correlate Of Laryngeal Contrastsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

Dmitrieva

Dutta

2019

Phonetica

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“…As a result, the well-known minimal pair can be distinguished not by the traditional consonantal cues (VOT and others) but by fundamental frequency (f0 or tone) (e.g., [taĺ] 'mask' vs. [tal] 'moon'). The phonetic shift (or cue weighting) from VOT to f0 has been discussed in many studies about tonogenesis in Korean (Bang et al, 2018;Kang, 2014;Kang & Han, 2013;Kim, 2000;Kim et al, 2002;Silva, 2006) and that in other languages (Beddor, 2009;Coetzee et al, 2014;Kirby, 2014;Matisoff, 1973). Concerning the change of VOT, there are two controversial issues: one is which stops truly undergo a change and the other is whether language contact playes a role triggering a sound change.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, there seems to be a controversy that both stops undergo a change. Most of studies have argued that, among the three stops in Korean, change in VOT affects only aspirated stops (i.e., VOT reduction from aspirated stops), rather than lax stops or both stop classes (Bang et al, 2018;Kang, 2014;Silva, 2006). A couple of studies have shown that not only aspirated stops but also lax stops undergo a sound change in which VOTs in aspirated stops are being decreased whereas those in lax stops are being increased (Kim, 2014(Kim, , 2017.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A study of L1 phonetic drift in the voice onset times of Korean learners of English with long L2 exposure*

Kim¹

2019

Phonetics Speech Sci.

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This study examines the voice onset times (VOTs) of Korean stops produced by Korean learners of English with high language proficiency and long L2 exposure (i.e., Korean-English bilinguals) to assess whether the VOTs of their lax and aspirated stops are merging and, if so, which types of stops are being changed. Thirteen Korean speakers (six female and seven male) who had studied in the USA for more than three to ten years participated. The results show that the speakers in this study with long L2 exposure are participating in the VOT merger, in which VOTs for aspirated stops are reduced while those for lax stops are increased. In other words, change in VOT affects not only aspirated stops but also lax stops. The results indicate that L1 phonetic drift may not be primarily affected by the amount of L2 exposure, and language contact may not be the primary factor triggering a sound change in the Korean stop system. Further study is necessary focusing on the phonetic shift of the "lax" category because it may play a pivotal role in a tonogenetic-like sound change in present-day Korean.

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“…He proposes a probabilistic enhancement hypothesis in which cues are enhanced over time in direct proportion to their precision as measured by the Cohen's d. Thus, if the differential effect of hyperarticulation on precision between VOT and onset f0 observed here is also in effect in high-versus low-frequency words (in English as well as in languages undergoing tonogenesis like Seoul Korean), then high-frequency words provide exactly the conditions for Kirby's probabilistic enhancement of f0. Bang et al (2015) tested this prediction by examining word frequency effects in Seoul Korean and found evidence that enhancement of f0 proceeds in parallel with weakening of VOT in high-frequency words over time, just as predicted. Future work should test whether onset f0 as a cue to voicing and secondary cues in general are more robust to hypoarticulation than primary cues and in particular if word frequency has the effect of reducing differences in precision between cues.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 86%

Individual Talker and Token Covariation in the Production of Multiple Cues to Stop Voicing

Clayards¹

2017

Phonetica

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Background/Aims: Previous research found that individual talkers have consistent differences in the production of segments impacting the perception of their speech by others. Speakers also produce multiple acoustic-phonetic cues to phonological contrasts. Less is known about how multiple cues covary within a phonetic category and across talkers. We examined differences in individual talkers across cues and whether token-by-token variability is a result of intrinsic factors or speaking style by examining within-category correlations. Methods: We examined correlations for 3 cues (voice onset time, VOT, talker-relative onset fundamental frequency, f0, and talker-relative following vowel duration) to word-initial labial stop voicing in English. Results: VOT for /b/ and /p/ productions and onset f0 for /b/ productions varied significantly by talker. Token-by-token within-category variation was largely limited to speaking rate effects. VOT and f0 were negatively correlated within category for /b/ productions after controlling for speaking rate and talker mean f0, but in the opposite direction expected for an intrinsic effect. Within-category talker means were correlated across VOT and vowel duration for /p/ productions. Some talkers produced more prototypical values than others, indicating systematic talker differences. Conclusion: Relationships between cues are mediated more by categories and talkers than by intrinsic physiological relationships. Talker differences reflect systematic speaking style differences.

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The emergence, progress, and impact of sound change in progress in Seoul Korean: Implications for mechanisms of tonogenesis

Cited by 64 publications

References 91 publications

Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

A study of L1 phonetic drift in the voice onset times of Korean learners of English with long L2 exposure*

Individual Talker and Token Covariation in the Production of Multiple Cues to Stop Voicing

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