Abstract:Like other Western legal systems, the Swedish legal system constructs objectivity as an unemotional state of being. We argue that the enactment of objectivity in situ relies on objectivity work including emotion management and empathy. Building on qualitative interviews and observations in Swedish district courts, we analyse courtroom interaction through a dramaturgical lens, highlighting tacit signals and interprofessional emotional communication aimed to secure objective procedures, while sustaining the idea… Show more
“…This often requires what Bergman Blix and Wettergren describe as 'skillful inter-professional emotional attuning'. 124 The same authors use the concept of 'objectivity work' to explain the nature of neutrality among differing courtroom actors. 125 For example, they argue that adjudication requires judges to emphasize their neutral demeanour, whereas prosecutors experience a 'contingent and shifting' objectivity due to their case involvement and interaction with witnesses.…”
The intermediary special measure was introduced by the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 (YJCEA) to assist vulnerable witnesses to give evidence in court. This article focuses on the role's relationship with its underpinning value of neutrality. Findings from 31 interviews with intermediaries in England and Wales and Northern Ireland, as well as judges in Northern Ireland, suggest that this aspect of the role is problematic and deserves critical examination. Though there is a broad commitment to neutrality among intermediaries, the role's practice reveals latent tensions and contradictions that contribute towards what I term the ‘neutrality paradox’. This article uses the Bourdieusian concept of ‘illusio’ as an explanatory tool to examine deviations from the normative expectation of neutrality. It focuses on how intermediaries experience and conceptualize their own neutrality and explores how this can aid understanding of the role's scope and position within the criminal justice system.
“…This often requires what Bergman Blix and Wettergren describe as 'skillful inter-professional emotional attuning'. 124 The same authors use the concept of 'objectivity work' to explain the nature of neutrality among differing courtroom actors. 125 For example, they argue that adjudication requires judges to emphasize their neutral demeanour, whereas prosecutors experience a 'contingent and shifting' objectivity due to their case involvement and interaction with witnesses.…”
The intermediary special measure was introduced by the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 (YJCEA) to assist vulnerable witnesses to give evidence in court. This article focuses on the role's relationship with its underpinning value of neutrality. Findings from 31 interviews with intermediaries in England and Wales and Northern Ireland, as well as judges in Northern Ireland, suggest that this aspect of the role is problematic and deserves critical examination. Though there is a broad commitment to neutrality among intermediaries, the role's practice reveals latent tensions and contradictions that contribute towards what I term the ‘neutrality paradox’. This article uses the Bourdieusian concept of ‘illusio’ as an explanatory tool to examine deviations from the normative expectation of neutrality. It focuses on how intermediaries experience and conceptualize their own neutrality and explores how this can aid understanding of the role's scope and position within the criminal justice system.
“…However, one foundation for arriving at a correct legal judgment is that the different parties are unconnected and independent, making social solidarity a complex issue. On the one hand, legal professionals need to share a moral order if they are to agree on how decisions should be made and to collaborate in moving a case forward (Barbalet 2002; Bergman Blix and Wettergren 2019a); on the other hand, independence in decision‐making is fundamental both constitutionally (top‐down) and in interactional practice (bottom‐up) 5…”
Section: Rational Emotions In a Legal Decision‐making Processmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Even though they play conflicting roles, argue for or take conflicting decisions, they depend on each other when processing a case through the bounded IRC. Previous research has shown that this requires emotional attunement and situated empathy, interprofessionally as well as with laypeople (Bergman Blix and Wettergren 2019a; Roach Anleu and Mack 2005), but it may also trigger irritation and anger when the other participants fail to collaborate (Maroney 2012). This is by no means a complete list of the emotions linked to the legal interaction order; instead, it provides a taxonomy for understanding the mechanisms of a collective rational ritual.…”
Section: Rational Emotions In a Legal Decision‐making Processmentioning
This article analyzes rational decision‐making in court as an emotive‐cognitive process formed in and through social interaction. Current theoretical perspectives have shown how emotion and thought are intertwined in the workings of the human brain but have seldom elaborated on the contextual and structural features of rational‐emotional decision‐making. I propose a model that maps emotional processes and emotional management demands to the temporally extended, stepwise process of rational‐legal decision‐making. I show that (a) the bounded structure of the decision‐making process actualizes different emotive‐cognitive complexes at different stages and (b) the demand for objectivity in rational decision‐making calls for parallel emotional processes and subject positions to remain independent while sustaining social cohesion.
“…But it may also be rooted in the assumption underpinning much of Western legal culture to this day that judicial work and the act of judgment must be done from a rational, objective stance and cannot be shaped or influenced by emotions. Bergman Blix and Wettergren (2019) call this ‘positivist objectivity’, an ideal that has been largely criticized within the social sciences although it still holds a strong influence in the field of the law. According to this positivist notion, judicial decision-makers must free themselves ‘from all physical and social affiliations and acquire knowledge through independent empirical observations and evidence’ by using pure or instrumental rationality.…”
Section: Emotions Judgment and Tjmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This verbal ‘working through’ was not surprising to us as in the Argentine context psychoanalysis is a widespread and common practice (Plotkin, 2002). At the same time, the emotional and performative work (Bergman Blix and Wettergren, 2019) that goes into concealing these experiences throughout the public hearings in the courtroom highlight the stakes inherent in these trials.…”
Section: Emotions and The Everyday Work Of Justicementioning
For over a decade, judicial accountability of mass human rights violations committed during the last civil-military dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983) has been carried out in federal courts by regular judges, following the rules of the National Code of Criminal Procedure. Research on these trials has focused mainly on the victims and the accused. This article opens a different path by exploring the affective experiences of the judges presiding over and leading the trials. Based on interviews with 18 federal court judges and some participant observation, in this article we present a descriptive exploration of the judges’ experiences and sensemaking processes. We examine the complex interaction between the professional requirement to separate emotions from judgment and the emotional toll that these trials produce in the personal and professional lives of the judges. We end with short reflections on these crimes against humanity trials in the post-Transitional Justice context.
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