The English past tense: Analogy redux

Chandler, Steve

doi:10.1515/cogl.2010.014

Cited by 35 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…After all, we can't know in advance that -for example -the colour of the speaker's eyes or the shape of her face is linguistically irrelevant; we must be constrained to ignore such details and encode only linguistically-relevant ones Exemplar accounts assume that we do not know in advance what to store (e.g. Chandler, 2010). We take in as much information as we can from each episodic snapshot, albeit modified by attention (e.g.…”

Section: Objection: But Isn't Forgetting Details Of An Exemplar a Typmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Objection: abstractions and exemplars are not the only two possibilities. Connectionist models undergo changes in response to each individual exemplar, but do not actually store them As Chandler (2010) notes, connectionism is an approach, not a single model. Many different types of connectionist models are possible.…”

Section: Objection: But Isn't Forgetting Details Of An Exemplar a Typmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Against stored abstractions: A radical exemplar model of language acquisition

Ambridge

2019

First Language

137

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The goal of this article is to make the case for a radical exemplar account of child language acquisition, under which unwitnessed forms are produced and comprehended by on-the-fly analogy across multiple stored exemplars, weighted by their degree of similarity to the target with regard to the task at hand. Across the domains of (1) word meanings, (2) morphologically inflected words, (3) n-grams, (4) sentence-level constructions and (5) phonetics and phonology, accounts based on independently-represented abstractions (whether formal rules or prototype categories) fail for two reasons. First, it is not possible to posit abstractions that delineate possible and impossible form; e.g. that (1) rule in pool tables and data tables, but rule out chairs, (2) rule in the past-tense forms netted and bet but rule out * setted and * jet, (3) rule in the bigram f+t but rule out (probabilistically) v+t, (4) rule in both John feared Bill and John frightened Bill but rule out * John laughed Bill, (5) rule in Speaker A but rule out Speaker B as the person who produced a particular word (e.g. Sa’urday). Second, for each domain, empirical data provide evidence of exemplar storage that cannot be captured by putative abstractions: e.g. speakers prefer and/or show an advantage for (1) exemplar variation even within word-meaning ‘category boundaries’, (2) novel inflected forms that are similar to existing exemplars, (3) n-grams that have occurred frequently in the input, (4) SVO sentences with he as SUBJECT and it as OBJECT and (5) repeated productions of ‘the same’ word that are phonologically similar or, better still, identical. An exemplar account avoids an intractable lumping-or-splitting dilemma facing abstraction-based accounts and provides a unitary explanation of language acquisition across all domains; one that is consistent with models and empirical findings from the computational modelling and neuroimaging literature.

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Section: Objection: But Isn't Forgetting Details Of An Exemplar a Typmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Objection: But Isn't Forgetting Details Of An Exemplar a Typmentioning

confidence: 99%

Against stored abstractions: A radical exemplar model of language acquisition

Ambridge

2019

First Language

137

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

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“…Future research needs to address this issue thoroughly. It is important to note that, in research on morphological productivity, single-mechanism computational models have been very successful at generating patterns of results that were regarded as evidence for a dual mechanism (e.g., Albright & Hayes, 2003;Chandler, 2010;Hahn & Nakisa, 2000;. Recall also that the priming results of Clahsen et al with respect to inflections have already been challenged by .…”

Section: Native and Non-native Morphological Processingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fast morphological effects in first and second language word recognition

Diependaele

Duñabeitia

Morris

et al. 2011

Journal of Memory and Language

156

174

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In three experiments we compared the performance of native English speakers to that of Spanish-English and Dutch-English bilinguals on a masked morphological priming lexical decision task. The results do not show significant differences across the three experiments. In line with recent meta-analyses, we observed a graded pattern of facilitation across stem priming with transparent suffixed primes (e.g., viewer-view), opaque suffixed or pseudo-suffixed primes (e.g., corner-corn) and form control primes (e.g., freeze-free). Priming was largest in the transparent condition, smallest in the form condition and intermediate in the opaque condition. Our data confirm the hypothesis that bilinguals largely adopt the same processing strategies as native speakers (e.g., Lemhöfer et al., 2008), and constrain the hypothesis that bilinguals rely more heavily on whole-word processing in their second language (Ullman, 2004(Ullman, , 2005Clahsen et al., 2010). The observed pattern of morphological priming is in line with earlier monolingual studies, further highlighting the reality of semantic transparency effects in the initial stages of word recognition.

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“…Exemplar accounts assume that we do not know in advance what to store (e.g., Chandler, 2010). We take in as much information as we can from each episodic snapshot, albeit modified by attention (e.g., if our primary goal is to determine whether or not we recognize the speaker's face, we might pay more attention to features in the visual than auditory modality).…”

Section: Objection: But We Do Forget Things Right?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Against Stored Abstractions: A Radical Exemplar Model of Language Acquisition

Ambridge

2018

SSRN Journal

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Against stored abstractions: A radical exemplar model of language acquisition The goal of this paper is to make the case for a radical exemplar account of child language acquisition, under which unwitnessed forms are produced and comprehended by on-the-fly analogy across multiple stored exemplars, weighted by their degree of similarity to the target with regard to the task at hand. Across the domains of (1) word meanings, (2) morphologically inflected words, (3) n-grams, (4) sentence-level constructions and (5) phonetics and phonology, accounts based on independently-represented abstractions (whether formal rules or prototype categories) fail for two reasons. First, it is not possible to posit abstractions that delineate possible and impossible form; e.g., that (1) rule in pool tables and data tables, but rule out chairs, (2) rule in the past-tense forms netted and bet but rule out *setted and *jet, (3) rule in the bigram f+t but rule out (probabilistically) v+t, (4) rule in both John feared Bill and John frightened Bill but rule out *John laughed Bill, (5) rule in Speaker A but rule out Speaker B as the person who produced a particular word (e.g., Sa'urday). Second, for each domain, empirical data provide evidence of exemplar storage that cannot be captured by putative abstractions: e.g. speakers prefer and/or show an advantage for (1) exemplar variation even within word-meaning "category boundaries", (2) novel inflected forms that are similar to existing exemplars, (3) n-grams that have occurred frequently in the input, (4) SVO sentences with he as SUBJECT and it as OBJECT and (5) repeated productions of "the same" word that are phonologically similar or, better still, identical. An exemplar account avoids an intractable lumping-or-splitting dilemma facing abstractionbased accounts and provides a unitary explanation of language acquisition across all domains; one that is consistent with models and empirical findings from the computational modelling and neuroimaging literature.

show abstract

The English past tense: Analogy redux

Cited by 35 publications

References 34 publications

Against stored abstractions: A radical exemplar model of language acquisition

Against stored abstractions: A radical exemplar model of language acquisition

Fast morphological effects in first and second language word recognition

Against Stored Abstractions: A Radical Exemplar Model of Language Acquisition

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