The Essence of Commodification: Caffeine Dependencies in the Early Modern World

Jamieson, Ross W.

doi:10.1353/jsh.2001.0125

Cited by 43 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…45 Certainly, part of the attraction of taking chocolate came from both its taste and stimulating properties. 46 Jose Vicente del Olmo, writing of an Inquisitorial tribunal in Madrid in 1680, stated that, "in order to attend to the sleeplessness and anguish of the condemned, and due to the fatigue and long work of the officials and ministers, it was the obligation of the Inquisitional court to provide biscuits and chocolate, sweets and drinks, in order to provide relief and assistance to whoever needed it." 47 Marie de Villars, a French traveler also in Spain in 1680, wrote of chocolate, "Remember that I am in Spain, and taking it [chocolate] is almost my only pleasure."…”

Section: From Dangerous Anomaly To Adopted Commoditymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…48 Chocolate came to be conspicuously consumed at public events as early as 1538 in the Great Plaza of Mexico City at a banquet, where Spanish ladies enjoyed wine and cacao. 49 Later in the 16th century, Cosimo III, Duke of Tuscany, and the Spanish king enjoyed cups of chocolate while watching a bullfight. 50 The context of these overt displays of consumption occurred during a period of transition, whereby not only did a nascent bourgeoisie challenge the uniqueness and privilege of the aristocracy but also challenged the idea that "taste" should be something to cultivate and excess something to avoid.…”

Section: From Dangerous Anomaly To Adopted Commoditymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Is Sipping Sin Breaking Fast? The Catholic Chocolate Controversy and the Changing World of Early Modern Spain

Forrest

Najjaj

2007

Food and Foodways

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Over the course of the 16th and 17th Centuries, a heated public debate arose among Catholic theologians focusing on the question of whether consuming the New World foodstuff of chocolate, "taking chocolate" as the Spanish referred to it, constituted breaking the ecclesiastical fast. If classified as a drink, then chocolate would be permissible for consumption during fast times; if classified as a food, however, it would not have been permissible under church law.Chocolate consumption and its controversy extended beyond a strictly theological debate, however, and can be seen as a microcosm of the tensions present between the Old World and the New, illustrating a process of negotiation and assimilation in the evolution of the Medieval mentalité into the Early Modern worldview. Analyzing the discourse that arose in this particular debate can assist historians in better understanding the tensions underlying the processes of transformation and cooptation in the Europe of the 16th Century, including not only new geographic and scientific discoveries but also new challenges to religious and cultural institutions.In the mid-17th century, Spanish Catholic women in Latin America, called peninsulares, resident in the province of Chiapas, Mexico, angered the local bishop by having their maids deliver hot chocolate and conserves to them during the mass at the cathedral. According to the English Dominican priest, Thomas Gage, the women "pretend much weakness and squeamishness of stomach, which they say is so great that they are not able

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Section: From Dangerous Anomaly To Adopted Commoditymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: From Dangerous Anomaly To Adopted Commoditymentioning

confidence: 99%

Is Sipping Sin Breaking Fast? The Catholic Chocolate Controversy and the Changing World of Early Modern Spain

Forrest

Najjaj

2007

Food and Foodways

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“…Chocolate was introduced to Europe when Christopher Columbus captured a Mayan trading canoe containing cocoa beans in 1502 (Jamieson 2004). Cocoa beans were used as currency in New Spain and were valued as a trading commodity.…”

Section: Purine Alkaloidsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Coffee cultivation began in Yemen in the mid-fifteenth century (Jamieson 2004). Initially, coffee was restricted to the Arab world and was used in religious practices requiring wakefulness and trance-like states.…”

Section: Purine Alkaloidsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Alkaloids

Zulak¹,

Liscombe²,

Ashihara³

et al. 2006

Plant Secondary Metabolites

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“…As bebidas com cafeína (café, chá, e chocolate) foram introduzidas na Europa no inicio do século XVII, mas sua introdução definitiva no sistema de idéias, nos utensílios de mesa, nas instituições e nas plantações européias não foi um processo rápido. O cacau foi popularizado na Ibéria no final de 1580, algumas décadas antes do café e do chá, muito depois de ter sido aceito pela elite da Nova Espanha como uma bebida social, herdada dos Aztecas que dominavam a região previamente a invasão espanhola (Jamieson, 2001 (Jamieson, 2001).…”

Section: Uma História Da Comidaunclassified

Consumo alimentar doméstico em populações caboclas assentadas em três diferentes ambientes amazônicos: uma análise comparativa

Bakri¹

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Desde a retomada do pensamento ecológico-evolutivo na antropologia, com a Ecologia Cultural proposta por Steward (1949), a Amazônia tem sido palco de inúmeras discussões sobre o papel que o meio ambiente desempenha na estruturação das sociedades humanas, bem como na dinâmica evolutiva dessas populações (Stewardtrabalhos desenvolvidos sobre a adaptabilidade humana na região foram dominados por um conjunto de idéias que se originaram no paradigma determinista ecológico das décadas de 1960 e 1970 (Murrieta e Dufour, 2004).Como conseqüência dessa orientação teórica, na maior parte das discussões sobre a natureza das limitações ambientais na Amazônia, identifica-se uma tendência à escolha de fatores limitantes únicos (Moran, 1991). Um exemplo disso é que a planície amazônica é classicamente dividida em dois grandes ecossistemas, com base na produtividade de suas terras: a várzea e a terra firme (Moran, 1993).Betty Meggers, inspirada nas idéias de Steward, propôs que a terra firme e a várzea, imporiam distintas limitações ambientais às culturas humanas (Meggers, 1958). Nessa classificação, as populações das várzeas, diferentemente das de terra firme, ocupavam áreas de melhor potencial agrícola, o que teria possibilitado uma população mais densa e sedentária, bem como alguma forma de estratificação social (Meggers, 1958). Alguns autores se opuseram a essa visão (Carneiro, 1970;Gross, 1975), defendendo diversos outro fatores responsáveis pela limitação à complexificação social na Amazônia. A proposição que gerou maior repercussão foi a de que a escassez de proteína animal seria o fator limitante à ocupação humana na região (Gross, 1975). Novamente, diversos pesquisadores levantaram críticas pertinentes a esse modelo, as quais incorporavam elementos como: a possibilidade de acesso à proteína vegetal da Floresta Tropical (Beckerman, 1979); a abundância de recursos aquáticos que poderiam fornecer quantidades suficientes de proteínas (Carneiro, 1995); a diversidade e complexidade dos ambientes Amazônicos (Sponsel, 1986); a complementaridade da várzea e da terra firme (Denevan, 1996); e a habilidade das populações humanas locais em usar a grande diversidade de recursos e microambientes de maneira eficiente (Moran

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The Essence of Commodification: Caffeine Dependencies in the Early Modern World

Cited by 43 publications

References 50 publications

Is Sipping Sin Breaking Fast? The Catholic Chocolate Controversy and the Changing World of Early Modern Spain

Is Sipping Sin Breaking Fast? The Catholic Chocolate Controversy and the Changing World of Early Modern Spain

Alkaloids

Consumo alimentar doméstico em populações caboclas assentadas em três diferentes ambientes amazônicos: uma análise comparativa

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