The EU and the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons 2015
DOI: 10.1057/9781137378446_6
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The European Union and Its Performance in the NPT Negotiations: Consistency, Change and Challenges

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Cited by 5 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…Cyprus and Sweden also voted in favour of the TPNW but did not then sign the treaty. While all EU member states are party to the NPT and negotiate EU Council Conclusions going into review negotiations, many also individually align with more active political groups during negotiations, particularly where these groups take a stronger stance on the divisive issues of nuclear deterrence and disarmament (Dee, 2015). The EU is also divided over the use of nuclear energy for civilian purposes.…”
Section: The Nuclear Weapons Regime Complex and The Eumentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Cyprus and Sweden also voted in favour of the TPNW but did not then sign the treaty. While all EU member states are party to the NPT and negotiate EU Council Conclusions going into review negotiations, many also individually align with more active political groups during negotiations, particularly where these groups take a stronger stance on the divisive issues of nuclear deterrence and disarmament (Dee, 2015). The EU is also divided over the use of nuclear energy for civilian purposes.…”
Section: The Nuclear Weapons Regime Complex and The Eumentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Most scholars would agree that the EU is a "difficult actor" (Kienzle & Vestergaard, 2012) that often struggles to find its voice (Erästö et al, 2021, p. 3) in global nuclear politics. Much of the existing scholarship focuses on EU performance in multilateral nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament forums, particularly the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) review cycle, with the EU's performance then broadly lamented for its lowest common denominator positioning, lack of cohesion, and limited impact (Dee, 2015;Potter, 2005;Smetana, 2016;Soltanieh, 2020;Tertrais, 2005). While the EU receives some recognition of its external support for international organisations (IO) such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) or the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO; Kienzle, 2013;Portela, 2021), the scholarship tends not to advance much beyond this point.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The ambiguous position of the EU risks being submerged by other more prominent and ambitious objectives pursued more aggressively by groups that are dedicated to achieve specific outcomes and have very fixed views on what a successful outcome should look like. As a result, the outcome of the EU in approaching the RevCon has been systematically contested by other states (Dee, 2015;Müller, 2010).…”
Section: Contestation To the Eu In The Revconsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Another reason why the EU's activity at the RevCon is being contested is the fact that EU Member States supplement EU declarations and working papers with their own submissions, either together with other negotiating groupings or as individual states parties, showing the lack of full external competence of the EU in this forum as well as the heterogeneity of preferences of its Member States. While EU Member States consider this just to be complementary to the EU's common position (Dee, 2015), it nevertheless provides a complex dimension to the EU as a negotiator that often distracts attention from it and thus reduces its visibility in the negotiations. For the EU, its lack of external competence raises even more questions as to whether the EU is a negotiating bloc within the RevCon or not.…”
Section: Contestation To the Eu In The Revconsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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