The Europeanisation of interest groups: EU conditionality and adaptation of interest groups to the EU accession process in the Republic of Macedonia

Hristova, Lidija; Cekik, Aneta

doi:10.1080/21599165.2014.1000485

Cited by 8 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…The Greek embargo and imposed isolationism, rivalry with other neighbouring countries, and a large influx of refugees passing through the country on their way to the EU, made the overall political situation even more complex (Ramić Mesihović, 2018). Rhetorical action by the EU has continuously been strong with respect to North Macedonia and other countries in the past 15 years, initially by invoking both preservation of security and the need for democratization as a part of the EU's normative basis (Koinova, 2011), and more recently by promoting the importance of civil society, democratic governance, and the responsibility of the government to include civil society in domestic decision-making (Hristova & Cekik, 2015).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Implicit” contestations of EU foreign policy norm-domestication in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia

Hasić

Džananović

Mesihović³

2020

Global Affairs

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This article focuses on scrutinizing EU's norm-setting practices toward the Western Balkan (WB6) countries through identifying particular points of norm-acceleration and norm-resistance related to EU' foreign policy and enlargement objectives in developing "good neighborly relations" (GNR) regionally. Although the EU has repeatedly attempted to diffuse its foreign policy and enlargement-related norms to promote regional stability, development and cooperative relations across the WB6 countries, we posit that two policies are not always complimentary and that domestication of these norms in some countries still remains nationally contextualized and guided by specific dynamics. This article explores the factors that promote or mitigate the domestication of EU-induced norms in two selected countries, Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. By examining these two cases separately, we argue the current norm domestication patterns in both countries stave off these "coded" EU-induced normative perspectives on GNR, mainly because of their strong mixture with the "non-codified" enlargement criteria.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Implicit” contestations of EU foreign policy norm-domestication in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia

Hasić

Džananović

Mesihović³

2020

Global Affairs

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“…However, studies on the Europeanisation of interest groups from newer post-communist member states are still rare (for exceptions, see Blavoukos and Pagoulatos 2008 ;Císař and Vráblíková 2012 ) and studies on interest groups during the EU accession process are almost non-existent (some exceptions are Fagan 2010 ;Fink-Hafner 1998 ). Previous research is mostly of a qualitative nature, focusing on specifc case studies (Koutalakis 2010 ;Sudbery 2010 ), types of groups (Börzel and Buzogány 2010 ), or single countries (Fink-Hafner et al 2015 ;Hristova and Cekik 2015 ). In this article, I analyse how interest organisations in the post-communist democracies of Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia have responded to the challenge of accession to the EU drawing on survey data and covering various types of interest groups.…”

Section: T E Standardised Regression Coefcients Are Fully In Line Wit...mentioning

confidence: 99%

National Interest Organizations in the EU Multilevel System

Eising¹,

Rasch²,

Rozbicka³

2020

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Political scientists have always accorded interest organizations a prominent place in European Union (EU) policy-making because they connect the EU institutions to citizens, provide important information to EU policy-makers, and control resources that impact on the problem-solving capacity of EU policies. In other words, they are vital to both the input legitimacy and the output legitimacy of the EU. So far, research on interest organizations in EU policy-making has concentrated on EU-level interest organizations and EU-level politics. Tis edited book draws attention to the role national interest organizations play in the EU multilevel system. All contributions present state-of-the-art research on that subject in the form of theory-driven empirical analyses. Te ten chapters indicate that national interest organizations have adapted to the EU's multilevel polity in terms of their strategies; their relations with parliaments, governments, and the EU institutions; as well as their collaboration with EU umbrella organizations. Especially, they ofer new insights into the alignments among national interest organizations and decision-makers, the Europeanisation of these organizations in established EU member states and candidate countries, and the existence of bias in national and EU interest group populations.Te chapters in this book were originally published in a special issue of West European Politics.

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“…Moreover, as noted above, the EU has aided in increasing the number and range of groups by being one of the largest donors to the interest group and NGO sector. The EU's pressure on the government to consult interest groups when making policy has also had a visible positive impact on the practices of interest representation (Hristova & Cekik, ).…”

Section: The Contemporary Range Of Interests and Organizationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is even the perception of business association leaders. Previous research indicates that a major concern of these leaders is how the newly established consultation mechanisms function in practice, particularly the short period allowed for consultation (Hristova & Cekik, ). There is little time for input, which undermines their ability to affect policy, particularly compared with foreign businesses.…”

Section: Interest Groups Influence In Macedoniamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Existing work on interest groups in Macedonia is scant. There are previous studies on particular types of groups (Hristova, ; Majhošev, ), survey results from a study of interest groups in Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia (Cekik, ), and articles on the Europeanization of interest groups (Cekik, ; Hristova & Cekik, ). However, there is no comprehensive treatment of groups and group activity in Macedonia.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Interest groups in Macedonia: Growing pains in a strong party state

Cekik

Hristova

2018

Journal of Public Affairs

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This article examines the development of the interest group system in Macedonia since independence and the extent to which it has been able to exert any influence in the political arena. We show how security issues, slow economic development, and democratic deficits have impeded the development of an extensive interest group system able to compete freely in national politics. This has resulted in Macedonia having a bifurcated interest group system with influential power elites but low participation by citizens in formal interest groups. Despite this, there have been some diversification of the group system, restructuring of exiting associations, professionalization, and increased ability, especially that of citizens and social movements, to influence national politics. | THE FUNDAMENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MACEDONIA'S INTEREST GROUP SYSTEMAs a political system with a long history of authoritarian rule and a short experience with democracy, Macedonia's interest group system

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The Europeanisation of interest groups: EU conditionality and adaptation of interest groups to the EU accession process in the Republic of Macedonia

Cited by 8 publications

References 21 publications

“Implicit” contestations of EU foreign policy norm-domestication in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia

“Implicit” contestations of EU foreign policy norm-domestication in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia

National Interest Organizations in the EU Multilevel System

Interest groups in Macedonia: Growing pains in a strong party state

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