The Europeanization of Immigration and Asylum in Greece (1990-2012)

Abstract

Since the 1980s, the countries of the (then) European Community (EC) 1 engaged in joint policymaking in an area that was not initially an EC competence 2 : policies on various aspects of immigration by third-country nationals (i.e., nationals of states other than those of the European Union) and on granting asylum or, more generally, other forms of international protection. At the same time, Greece, where these two policy areas were of low priority, became a country of destination for immigrants, the vast majority of whom entered the country illegally, and a transit country for people who either wanted to move to another European Union (EU) member state or were in need of international protection. The gradual convergence of member states' domestic policies on immigration and asylum toward a common EU-wide legislative framework had a major effect on Greek policies and represents a significant case study of "Europeanization" in policymaking. This article examines the parallel development of policies and practices in these two areas at the Greek and EU levels, from both legislative and policymaking angles. It analyzes the particularities of Greek immigration and asylum realities and political priorities, compares developments in the country with those in the rest of Europe and inside the EU institutions, and draws conclusions as to the effects on Greek policies of the progressive framing of common EU policies in regard to the process of Europeanization.

Securitizing Migration in the European Union: Greece and the Evros Fence

“…25 These two laws were the result of EU directives to the Greek legal order and introduced restricted provisions for regularization of migrants in Greece of mainly Albanian origin, reiterating the restrictive management of migrants in Greece. 26 Following the mid-2000s, Greece was transformed from a destination to a transit country for migrants coming from sub-Saharan and Middle Eastern countries 27 who sought to enter other EU countries such as Germany. Since 2008, migration debates in Greece have reached crisis levels due to the economic plight, the increasing flow of migrants from the Middle East and North Africa, and the rise of extreme right-wing political parties especially since 2010.…”

Greece as ‘Transit Country’: The Role of Law and Policy

“…It took some time before Greece was prepared to address the myriad problems of its asylum system, which relied on the police to undertake complicated asylum claims and failed to incorporate the EU standards. Both government and police were reluctant to adapt to EU law; the police refused to hand over control for asylum on grounds of national security and change required huge administrative weaknesses to be overhauled (Papageorgiou 2013 (Triandafyllidou 2014, 17). To enable the new system to start its work, however, the police remained responsible for processing the backlog of 45,000 asylum claims (Triandafyllidou 2014, 17).…”

“…implement Common European Asylum System Directives(Papageorgiou 2013). In 2009, following allegations that Greece had not implemented EU asylum legislation correctly and evidence of unacceptable asylum practices, such as inhumane conditions in detention centres, the European Commission launched an infringement procedure against Greece.…”

Securitization of migration and the far right: the case of Greek security professionals

“…Hence, the massive exodus of Albanians and the female migration from Eastern Europe for sex or domestic work were faced with extensive “sweep” operations, massive deportation campaigns, and political agitation ‐ particularly against Albanians (see Lazaridis and Wickens, ). Yet, despite the fact that Law 1975/1991 was described as “draconian” due to its disproportionate restrictions, it produced poor results, since a limited number of migrants entered the country by virtue of its provisions, while the vast majority continued to cross the borders and/or remain in Greece illegally (Papageorgiou, ).…”