The Evolution of Human Rights Thinking in North Korea

Weatherley, Robert; Song, Jiyoung

doi:10.1080/13523270802003111

Cited by 9 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…As mentioned earlier, for frame resonance to activate effectively, human rights norms need to be internally coherent and fit with a broader socio-political culture in North Korea. Even though North Korea introduced the term "human rights" into its Constitution in 2009, it has prioritized cultural relativism over universalism, collective interests over individual interests, socio-economic rights over civil and political rights, and duties before rights (Weatherley and Song 2008). The concept of human rights has been used within the unique cultural, political and ideological context of North Korea.…”

Section: Prospects Of Self-organizing Dynamics In North Koreamentioning

confidence: 99%

The Security and Human Rights Nexus in North Korea: Is Self-Organizing Dynamics Feasible?

Hong¹

2021

kjis

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The primary objective of this article is to examine the possibility of path emergence by institutionalizing the security and human rights nexus in North Korea. The underlying assumption of this study is that institutionalization of the security and human rights nexus in a repressive state sets in motion self-organizing dynamics which often shift the institutional path of the country from path dependence to path emergence, culminating in drastic socio-political transformation. Path emergence unfolds through the sequential phases of an influx of information, activation of frame resonance, strategic coordination in a network, a boomerang effect and finally a threshold effect. This theoretical framework is applied to the case of North Korea. This article argues that self-organizing dynamics may occur in North Korea if the security and human rights nexus in Korea were to be institutionalized within a single institutional framework.

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Section: Prospects Of Self-organizing Dynamics In North Koreamentioning

confidence: 99%

The Security and Human Rights Nexus in North Korea: Is Self-Organizing Dynamics Feasible?

Hong¹

2021

kjis

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“…The inclusion of human rights language is not about civil and political rights but a consistent political statement about collective interests (Cho 2018). Built upon historical layers of Confucian, Marxist, and juche philosophies, the North Korean conception of human rights lies in the duty-based contexts of the familial, the collective, and the sovereign (Weatherley and Song 2008;Song 2009). Its socialist conception of human rights emphasizes national independence from colonial and imperialist powers, claims aligned socialist interests of the working masses, and eschews the weaponized talk of human rights by the United States-the last point being that its people will never have human rights while under the threat of war.…”

Section: Citizen's Rights and Dutiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond Sham: The North Korean Constitution

Goedde¹

2020

Asian Perspective

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The Constitution of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is often dismissed as a valid legal instrument within the larger framework of the North Korean legal system. This is an unsurprising outcome given the portrayal of North Korea as a totalitarian dictatorship, documented human rights abuses, and the lack of access to the country's lawmaking processes. It is also a foreseeable result if comparisons are made to liberal democratic constitutions where rights guarantees and judicial review are defining elements. However, the North Korean Constitution deserves more nuanced scrutiny in light of evolving research on socialist and authoritarian constitutionalism in Asia. This article argues that the DPRK Constitution should be included more substantively within the analytical frameworks of Asian, socialist, and authoritarian constitutionalism by virtue of how it functions to nation-build, legitimate institutional leadership, signal ideological shifts, regulate society on collectivist, duty-based principles, and guide economic reforms for development and modernization.

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“…In mid‐September 2014, North Korea's DPRK Association for Human Rights Studies (most likely under the control of the Korean Workers Party) published a lengthy report (DPRK HR Report) that Hawk describes as revealing ‘a great deal about how a powerful governing organ of the North Korean state sees itself and the world’ (Hawk , p. 221). In line with Song and Weatherly's analysis of North Korean human rights discourse pre‐COI, the report defines three key features of the North Korean interpretation of human rights: (i) human rights are conditional and shaped by ‘the demand and reality of the nation‐state’, (ii) collective rights are above individual rights—‘the right of the individual apart from the social collective is unthinkable’, and (iii) welfare and subsistence rights have special importance (Weatherley & Song , p. 273; see also Fahy ). The argument is then bolstered by a thorough, but somewhat contradictory, accounting of North Korea's participation in the international instruments and mechanisms to which it has made commitments, and its efforts to adopt or amend local laws in accordance with these commitments (DPRK HR Report, pp.…”

Section: The North Korean Counter Offensivementioning

confidence: 99%

“…This article comes alongside several key studies undertaken both pre‐ and post‐COI, which analyse the North Korean response to international pressure over human rights (Chow ; Fahy ; Goedde ; Song ; Weatherley & Song ). Referencing models of human rights norm adoption, these studies concur that North Korea has made changes as a result of criticism (Fahy ) as part of efforts to ‘boost its international image’ (Chow , p. 147) and argue that this positions North Korea somewhere along a trajectory towards normative improvement.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%