The Failure of Anti-Racist Movements in France, 1981-1995

Fysh, Peter

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-26395-0_12

Cited by 4 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…If Taha appears, on this issue, more sophisticated than some, in the sense that his views meet those of academic analysts (e.g. Fysh 1998; Cusset 2008), his challenging of right-wing conservatism and left-wing dogma in the same breath was detrimental, career-wise, to Carte de Séjour. In fact, given Taha's controversial anti-racist stance, it is surprising that the group's ‘Douce France’ became a hit at all.…”

Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Even today, Taha remains scathing towards the organisation, claiming that their famous hand-shaped badge was copied from his group's stage prop (Taha 2008, p. 97), and that the slogan 'Touche pas à mon pote' ['Hands off my mate'] was overly negative (Taha 2008, p. 132). Fysh 1998;Cusset 2008), his challenging of right-wing conservatism and left-wing dogma in the same breath was detrimental, career-wise, to Carte de Séjour. If Taha appears, on this issue, more sophisticated than some, in the sense that his views meet those of academic analysts (e.g.…”

Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…SOS Racisme was an anti-racist organisation founded in 1984 with a view to halting the rise of the FN. Largely uncontroversial, SOS led an effective, showbiz-oriented media campaign that was heavily sponsored by the PS, and accordingly achieved institutional status from 1985 onwards (Fysh 1998, p. 203; Gastaut 2000, p. 185). Because the FN had appropriated the notion of race in political debate, with overtones of segregation, SOS Racisme attempted to uphold anti-racism without any reference to race at all, and suffered as a consequence from a ‘lamentable theoretical confusion’ (Fysh 1998, p. 201).…”

Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Largely uncontroversial, SOS led an effective, showbiz-oriented media campaign that was heavily sponsored by the PS, and accordingly achieved institutional status from 1985 onwards (Fysh 1998, p. 203; Gastaut 2000, p. 185). Because the FN had appropriated the notion of race in political debate, with overtones of segregation, SOS Racisme attempted to uphold anti-racism without any reference to race at all, and suffered as a consequence from a ‘lamentable theoretical confusion’ (Fysh 1998, p. 201). Instead, SOS proffered a universalist message of fraternal love between France's white majority and ethnic minorities, a discourse that chimed perfectly with republicanism because of its smoothing over of ethnic distinctions, and which tended to identify ‘Arabs’ as victims of fascist bullying in its anti-FN strategy.…”

Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Carte de Séjour: revisiting ‘Arabness’ and anti-racism in 1980s France

Lebrun¹

2012

Pop. Mus.

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The French rock group Carte de Séjour rose to national fame in 1986 with their Charles Trenet cover 'Douce France', a North African-inflected song that provided an ironic commentary on the ties that bind Maghrebi immigrants and their descendants to France. Journalists and academics have hailed Carte de Séjour as the first example of an empowered beur music group in French popular culture, but their lack of extended success tells a different story. This article is the first full-length academic study to examine Carte de Séjour's exact contribution to French popular music and to the so-called beur and anti-racist movements of the 1980s. By questioning the common view regarding the 'subversive' power of French-Maghrebi artists, this article argues that Carte de Séjour's lack of success was due to their controversial representation of 'Arabness' in music and performance, their instrumentalisation by the Socialist Party, and their conflictual relationship with France's intellectual and political establishment at the time.

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Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Rock the Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Carte de Séjour: revisiting ‘Arabness’ and anti-racism in 1980s France

Lebrun¹

2012

Pop. Mus.

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“…It has often been looked upon suspiciously because of its links with the PS, and the way it stifled the beur (an outdated term referring to second-generation North Africans) movement in the 1980s (Malik 1990, Fysh 1998. Other organisations have also resented the generous funding and media attention this organisation has received, despite not having a rich history and lacking genuine support at the grass-roots level.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The French Anti-Racist Movement and the ‘Muslim Question’

Peace

2012

Political and Cultural Representations of Muslims

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It has been suggested that there may be less sympathy for the notion that Muslim minorities are subjected to racism by virtue of their real or perceived 'Muslimness' than there is for Jewish minorities in Europe. Public anxiety over the 'Muslim question' leads to hesitancy in naming this phenomenon as 'anti-Muslim sentiment ' or 'Islamophobia' (Meer and Modood 2009). This situation is clearly in evidence in contemporary France where the 'Muslim question' has split the anti-racist movement The split is symptomatic of a more general division within the French Left in relation to Islam and Muslims. It has coincided with a series of controversies and debates relating to Muslims in France that began emerging in the year 2000, foremost among them those relating to the adoption of the law on 'secularity and conspicuous religious symbols in schools' (also known as the 'Headscarf Law') in 2004. This was then followed by the ban on face covering in 2010 which aimed to stop Muslim women from wearing either the niqab or burqa in public.The reaction of French anti-racist organisations to these issues may appear confusing to those who have not followed recent public debates on Islam in France. The fact that many of these organisations even supported the implementation of such laws may appear equally, if not more, baffling. In fact, two camps emerged over these issues, encompassing the four main anti-racist organisations active on the national level. Furthermore, there also are internal divisions within these organisations. Problems such as these are not unique to France, but it is arguable that the situation there is particularly complex, as a result of a strict historical and cultural attachment to Republican and secular values in the country.In this chapter, I begin by presenting the anti-racist movement in France, introducing its main organisations. I then move to explain how issues relating to anti-Semitism sowed the seeds of discontent between these organisations, and how this informed the split we can now observe within them. I will focus particularly on the crucial period between 2003 and 2004, when the law banning religious symbols in French state schools was being debated, and on how this led to a wider debate amongst anti-racist organisations on the relative merits (and demerits) of the term 'Islamophobia'. I close with a look at how other events relating to Islam in France have reinforced these divisions in the anti-racist movement, and conclude with some reflections on its future.

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Associations, party models and party system: Changing patterns of party networks in twentieth century France

Nakayama

2009

Fr Polit

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The Failure of Anti-Racist Movements in France, 1981-1995

Cited by 4 publications

References 2 publications

Carte de Séjour: revisiting ‘Arabness’ and anti-racism in 1980s France

Carte de Séjour: revisiting ‘Arabness’ and anti-racism in 1980s France

The French Anti-Racist Movement and the ‘Muslim Question’

Associations, party models and party system: Changing patterns of party networks in twentieth century France

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