The Failure of Electoral Reform Proposals in Canada

Abstract

The case for electoral reform in Canada is compelling, and the issue has been actively debated for many years both federally and provincially. A strong and active lobby organisation (Fair Vote Canada) continues to advance the cause, yet no reform proposal has ever been adopted. At the federal level, a serious proposal by the Law Commission was put forward in 2004, but its report was ignored and the commission was subsequently disbanded by the federal government. Five of the ten provinces have also seriously considered electoral reform. However, reform proposals failed to move forward in New Brunswick and Quebec, largely because of the ambivalence of governing parties. Referendums on reform proposals have taken place in British Columbia (2005, 2009), Prince Edward Island (2005, and Ontario (2007). All were defeated.The Canadian experience demonstrates how difficult electoral reform is to accomplish, in spite of the many arguments in its favour. Governments are typically reluctant, and numerous veto points exist. Powerful interests can be mobilised against it, particularly in a referendum campaign. This article considers the lessons of the Canadian experience, with particular emphasis on the Ontario Citizens' Assembly and referendum. The analysis demonstrates the difficulty of transforming the electoral reform issue from a theoretical discussion among elites into a political movement capable of attracting voters' support. The Canadian experience highlights the perceived threat that electoral reform poses to entrenched political interests, and the powerful tools that can be deployed against it when the issue is put to the people in a direct vote.

Integridad electoral como igualdad política

“…López-Pintor (2000) coincide en que "la legislación electoral por consenso debe considerarse una herramienta importante para la reconciliación nacional y la construcción de la democracia" (2000,124). Esto se logra a veces a través de referéndums (como en Ecuador, Uruguay y Panamá), y ocasionalmente mediante el establecimiento de asambleas ciudadanas cuya tarea es debatir propuestas de reforma electoral, como se practicó en varias provincias canadienses (aunque con pocos resultados concretos) (Leduc 2009). También han habido debates de mesa redonda con múltiples partes interesadas sobre la reforma electoral, como los que tuvieron lugar en varios países poscomunistas de Europa del Este en 1989 y 1990 (Elster 1993) y la Comisión de reforma multipartidaria de Senegal en 1992 (López-Pintor 2000, 187-88).…”

The Case for Citizen Duty

“…120 In Ontario, 81% admitted to knowing little or nothing about the Mixed Member Proportional system endorsed by that province's minipublic. 121 The vast majority of voters did not even take the time to become minimally informed about the basics of the voting system that the mini-publics endorsed, let alone the details of the mini-public's deliberation.…”

Building a Better Referendum: Linking Mini-Publics and Mass Publics in Popular Votes

“…The BCCA and its members were capable of persuading voters who knew about the BCCA, which was about 60% of the population by the end of the campaign (Cutler, Johnston, Carty, Blais, & Fournier, 2008). Leduc (2009) suggests that in Ontario, compared to BC, the Citizen's Assembly "was an unknown quantity for most voters, and its negative portrayal in the media made it more of a liability than an asset in generating public support for electoral reform" (p. 40). As a result, their recommendation for a mixed-member proportional system only received 37% of the vote (Leduc, 2009;LeDuc, Bastedo, & Baquero, 2008).…”

“…Leduc (2009) suggests that in Ontario, compared to BC, the Citizen's Assembly "was an unknown quantity for most voters, and its negative portrayal in the media made it more of a liability than an asset in generating public support for electoral reform" (p. 40). As a result, their recommendation for a mixed-member proportional system only received 37% of the vote (Leduc, 2009;LeDuc, Bastedo, & Baquero, 2008). A key difference between the two cases may be that Elections Ontario did little to publicize the recommendation of the Citizens' Assembly, whereas the BCCA's mini-report was sent to every household in the province.…”