The First British Empire

Marshall, P. J.

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205661.003.0002

Cited by 7 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…Life in this transimperial milieu led them to develop what Micol Seigel called "transnational [or transimperial] mental maps" that allowed them to make sense of the world they inhabited. 14 Given the agitated geopo liti cal environment of the second half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries, the circumstances under which Ca rib bean dwellers created spaces and envisioned futures were complex and full of contradictions. During the Age of Revolutions the po liti cal map of the Atlantic as well as its commercial codes and legal cultures were greatly transformed.…”

Section: Uncovering Other Pos Si Ble Worldsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…13 From the War of Spanish Succession (1701Succession ( -1714 to the Napoleonic Wars (1799Wars ( -1815, the eigh teenth century rarely witnessed periods of peace lasting more than a de cade. 14 Eighteenthcentury warfare altered the balance of power, reshaping the world's po liti cal map and bringing about dramatic transformations in Ca rib bean commercial policies and practices. 15 In turn, commercial practices, which in the Ca rib bean were largely characterized by the violation of mercantilist policies, usually provided valid justifications for a Eu ro pean monarch to declare war against a rival power.…”

Section: Organ Ization Of the Bookmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…13 The multiple trips of Juan Cruz de Herazo (captain of the sloop Casildea) and Pablo Francisco Mora (captain of the Spanish schooner Nuestra Señora del Carmen) between Cartagena and Curaçao in 1793, as well as those of José Martínez (schooner Suceso), Eudaldo Fiol (schooner Bella Narcisa), and Pedro Atencio (schooner Fancy), reveal the strategic importance of the Dutch and Danish islands to the construction of the transimperial Greater Ca rib be an. 14 From the 1780s, however, the biggest challenge to British commercial hegemony began to come from the newly in de pen dent United States. Shipping returns for Cartagena and reports by New Granada's authorities, as chapter 1 shows, shed light on the degree to which the United States became a major player in the Ca rib bean world of trade.…”

Section: Sea Captainsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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An Aqueous Territory

Bassi¹

2016

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Ac know ledg ments xiiiThroughout the research and writing pro cess I was lucky to count on supportive friends and family who made research and writing pos si ble. In Bogotá, Mauricio Calderón and Isabella Gardeazábal and my aunt Carmen Arévalo made their homes my home. Staying with them not only allowed me to stretch my meager financial resources but, most importantly, gave me companionship during lonely weekends when I missed my family the most. In London, María Isabel Irurita, Juan Camilo Cock, and Martina were the best hosts one could ask for. Staying with them not only resulted in a free-of-charge London but also gave me the great joy of meeting old friends again.The help of my immediate family has been simply immea sur able. My parents, Chila and Rafa, have always supported my historical endeavors and have actually been pretty interested in my research and writing. My interest in the Ca rib bean, in fact, I owe in great part to them. Muchas gracias mami y papi! Claudia Roselló and Santiago Bassi have been my fellow travelers along this historical road. When I was abroad doing research, they held the fort back in California. When I was home, they encouraged me and created regenerative distractions that helped me think better and pushed me to keep writing. Elisa Bassi joined us later in the journey. For most of her life, Ithaca has been home, which means that she has had to put up with less research-related absence than Clau and Santi. But, like Clau and Santi, Elisa has caught me (several times) thinking about the book at moments when I should have been giving my undivided attention to my playful daughter. Even before this book was in the makings, Clau, in the words of Serrat, cerró su puerta y echó andar. To d ay, three countries and more than a de cade later, she is still here and, with Santi and Elisa, continues to hold the home fort when I am away.Clau, Santi, and Elisa, I thank you for joining me in creating our own geography and envisioning a wild variety of potential futures. This book is for you. It is what it is, in part, because of you. I am the historian that I am, in large part, because of you. The flaws, though, are solely mine. This page intentionally left blank vessels 25Despite their recurrent appearances in the historical rec ord, these hidden ports have not been able to secure a place in the historiography of New Granada's trade during the late colonial period. Making these ports vis i ble and illustrating the ways in which they participated in interimperial commercial networks challenges two long-standing assumptions about trade relations in New Granada and the Atlantic world. First, that the major port of Cartagena dominated New Granada's trade with both Spain and foreign colonies. 6 Second, that by the end of the eigh teenth century Eu ro pean empires, as dictated by mercantilist princi ples, continued to operate "within autarkic commercial systems" that deemed illegal any commercial interaction with foreigners. 7 My interpretation, largely based on the inclusion of New Granada's mino...

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Section: Uncovering Other Pos Si Ble Worldsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Organ Ization Of the Bookmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Sea Captainsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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An Aqueous Territory

Bassi¹

2016

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“…In the East, the mines of Golconda were challenged in 1765, when a new source of diamonds was discovered by the English near Banaras in Bengal. 79 Source: Francisco Pereira and Mestre Pedro, Emformacao de Framcyscyuo pereyera e mestre pedro lapidayros sobres as mynas de diamantes que ha no reyno de Bisnaga. Biblioteca Municipal de Elvas,MS no.…”

Section: Document 4 Letter Of Andrea Corsali 1516mentioning

confidence: 99%

Perceptions of Nature in Early Modern Portuguese India

Smith¹

2007

Itinerario

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Portuguese perceptions of nature in the new worlds they encountered in Southeast Asia from the turn of the sixteenth century were a complex amalgam of inherited frameworks and the forging of a new gaze or vision. Grand claims that the Portuguese discoveries amount to the “construction of space” and the “invention of humanity” have been trumpeted, but are too overblown. From another perspective, Portuguese scholars have recently engaged in a philosophical debate around experiencialismo—the distinction between “scientific experience” and the supposedly pre- or non-scientific “lived” experience of the senses (experiência vivencial), suggesting that the Portuguese Discoveries fall at a critical juncture between these two hermeneutic paradigms. But what did this amount to in concrete terms?I would prefer to turn to other scholars like the Belgian historian Albert Deman, who has stipulated that the perception of Indian nature in the European imaginary, was locked in three unchanging tropes that even first-hand experience could not easily undo. These tropes were exuberance, superabundance and luxury, and go right back to the first encounters between East and West in antiquity, notably Alexander the Great's adventures of the fourth century B.C., which impressed upon Westerners the East's “superior forms of life” and what Pliny, for example, dutifully acknowledged as “the wonder of the victorious expedition of Alexander the Great, when that part of the world was first revealed.” Why wonder, and what does Deman allude to when he writes of “superior forms of life”? The common impression was that everything grew more forcefully, and in greater profusion in the East. There were, for example, two flowerings a year of some plants; the colours and tastes were stronger; the smells were beguiling. What the Portuguese noted as “the fumos da India” merely drew on biblical reference in the Book of Proverbs to the “spicy breezes of the East”. From these basic conceptions had sprung compilations of all the fabulous stories of the East, texts such as those produced by Ktesias the Knidian and Megasthenes whose ideas were passed down through Pliny into the genre of the marvellous, or mirabilia, fanciful speculations and fables developed along the lines of half-truths reported by returning merchants and travellers, and sometimes fictions spread by Arab middlemen keen to retain their long-standing monopoly of purveyance to Christian consumers.

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“…Even though we associate British imperialism in India with the 'second' British Empire; post-1857, the period of the Raj, the situation in seventeenth-century Bombay was remarkably similar to that of early modern Ireland. 21 While there is no mention in the seventeenth-century records of a grand imperial design for India, the language of 'plantation', 'planters', 'colonisation' and 'colony' is repeatedly used. The royal patent of 1669 established absolute sovereignty over the island of Bombay and specified that the inhabitants of Bombay were 'our liege people, and subject to our imperial crown'.…”

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confidence: 99%