The Fragmentation of Migration and Crime in the Netherlands

Abstract

International migration processes have drastically changed the face of Dutch society. Following changes in migration patterns, the research on migrants and crime is developing into two distinct lines of research. The postcolonial guest worker migrations from the 1950s and 1960s and subsequent family reunification led to attention to problems of crime among second-generation youngsters. More recently, asylum migration (peaking in the 1990s) and irregular migration generated problems of crime among first-generation asylum seekers and immigrants without a residence status. These groups are much more fragmented than the preceding immigrant groups, and their societal position is even more vulnerable. Findings in both fields make clear that research on immigrants and crime should take into account the changing contexts of reception and incorporation. The role of the state has become crucial in understanding some of the patterns found. On May 6, 2002, the Netherlands was shocked by the brutal murder of Pim Fortuyn, just nine days before national elections. A few days earlier, Fortuyn's Rotterdam-based political party had made its unexpectedly successful first appearance in local politics. Fortuyn's spectacular rise to prominence cannot be understood without his sharp criticism of Dutch multicultural society. Fortuyn called for the Dutch borders to be closed. "This country is full," he said. "I think 16 million

Civic stratification and crime. A comparison of asylum migrants with different legal statuses

“…There is no doubt that unauthorized immigrants are at risk of an extremely marginal position under this policy regime [8], but three main forces still moderate the effects of the exclusionary measures. First, some local governments, churches and NGOs organize poor-relief arrangements in the form of shelter and the occasional provision of living allowances [31].…”

“…Second, some unauthorized migrants receive support from more established immigrants, or from a native Dutch partner. They, too, are under less pressure to turn to criminal offences [8,32]. Third, some employment opportunities remain on the informal labor market, such as domestic work [33], reducing the pressure to offend.…”

“…They attribute these offences to the frustration that asylum seekers experience as a result of prolonged relative poverty, insecurity about the asylum decision, and restrictions on individual freedom that come with living in an asylum center. Studies on the unauthorized population have similarly concluded that those lacking legal stay are at risk of committing certain crimes in response to the strains of a highly marginal social position [8,9,17]. One study specifically conducted repeated in-depth life course interviews with 26 (male) unauthorized immigrants with a criminal record and a history as asylum seeker [32].…”

“…As could be expected, this percentage correlated with civic status, from 98% of the matches among the naturalized immigrants down to 49% of the matches among those with unauthorized status. 8 …”

“…Within this emerging approach there are two main perspectives. The first views the differentiation of civic statuses as a potential ultimate cause of differences in criminal behavior [6][7][8][9][10][11][12]. Here, the central assumption is that an individual's civic status influences the degree to which (s)he is being exposed to social conditions that produce, or prevent, offending.…”