The “Franco-Russian Marseillaise”: International Exchange and the Making of Antiliberal Politics in Fin de Siècle France

Abstract

In 1894, the Third Republic and tsarist Russia finalized a military alliance. In both countries, politicians and substantial segments of the public participated in elaborate performances of friendship celebrating this diplomatic milestone, which became known as the Dual Alliance. Appearing at a naval base to welcome a visiting French squadron, Tsar Alexander III shocked onlookers by standing at attention as an orchestra struck up "La Marseillaise," that hymn of revolution hitherto banned in Russia. 1 Across France, republican politicians organized lavish feasts at which they toasted the health of the autocrat and his empire. 2 Hundreds of thousands turned out to witness official exchanges, consumers eagerly acquired books, posters, and food products commemorating the alliance, and people from all walks of life wrote songs and poems celebrating the newfound amity between the two countries. One enterprising author even penned a "Franco-Russian Marseillaise," which saluted the autocracy as a steadfast friend of the republic. 3 The diplomatic historians who have long enjoyed a monopoly on the story of the Franco-Russian Alliance do not dwell on these striking attempts to reconcile the political cultures of Europe's first republic and its last autocracy. Their accounts trace how the two powers came to recognize their common interest in preventing German domination of the continent, and they reconstruct the secret exchanges between high-ranking military and diplomatic officials that ultimately produced an agreement. Focusing exclusively on the raisons d'état that motivated the rapprochement and the small circle of men who directed it, these studies suggest that diplomacy was driven by its own logic, protected from

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“…Однако доля городского населения сама является результатом длительных и многофакторных процессов. LN (U_Sh) 0, 86 1…”

“…Историкидипломаты долгое время обладали монополией на историю франко-русского союза и в своих исследованиях стремились сосредоточить внимание на государственных причинах, побудивших к сближению, и на узком круге людей, принимавших данное внешнеполитическое решение. Как отметил Ф. Хиллис, «эти исследования показывают, что дипломатия руководствовалась собственной логикой, защищенной от давления внутренней политики и общественного мнения» 84 .…”

“…Другим тематическим полем стала публичная кампания, проводимая частными лицами в поддержку франко-русской дружбы, начавшаяся в 1870-х гг., когда «русские защитники самодержавия установили диалог с видными французскими республиканцами» 85 . В течение следующих нескольких десятилетий члены этой сети неустанно агитировали за достижение взаимного доверия.…”

“…Используя личные связи, они лоббировали высокопоставленных политиков, которым предстояло сыграть ключевую роль в дипломатическом сближении. Их «деятельность была направлена на то, чтобы объяснить ценности самодержавия в терминах, которые французские граждане могли бы счесть приемлемыми, и убедить русских патриотов в том, что Третья республика может быть ценным союзником» 86 . Эти меры были скорее ситуативными (аффективными) и не носили долгосрочного характера, что проявилось позднее, в 1930-е гг., при попытках организовать общую антифашистскую политику.…”

“…M. Sil'yanov notes that the French vector of Katkov's thought was coupled with the desire to enter into confrontation with N. Girs, having among the supporters N. Obruchev, P. Vannovskii et al, 65 and F. Hillis, in his turn, draws attention to the fact that in order to promote the Franco-Russian Rapprochement, M. Katkov resorted to using the techniques of Western politics addressed to the masses, from which he had withdrawn the liberal democratic idea and sought to act bypassing formal bureaucratic channels. 66 However, the questions about the structure of the connections of the talented Russian publicist, publisher, and journalist as well as the degree of his influence on the ruling house are still waiting for their researcher, since the image of Katkov as a Francophile has been very poorly studied so far. For example, A. Kotov notes in his monograph mainly the idealistic component of Katkov's sympathies for France ("the French government was aware of itself as the head and the hand of the French people alone," which was perceived by M. Katkov as an example to follow 67 ).…”