The ghost in the machine: the neoliberal urban visions of Michael Bloomberg

Brash, Julian

doi:10.1080/08873631.2012.687535

Cited by 13 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…At the same time, city budgets continued to grow ( Figure 5) with Bloomberg viewing the provision of quality municipal services as a foundation of economic growth. 46 Wanting to remake the physical landscape of New York City and eager to deflect criticisms that he only favored private market-rate development, Bloomberg developed his own ambitious housing plan. In 2002, he announced the New Housing Marketplace Plan (NHMP), pledging to preserve or create sixty-five thousand affordable housing units in five years.…”

Section: Housing In the South Bronx Under The New Housing Marketplacementioning

confidence: 99%

The Rebuilding of the South Bronx after the Fiscal Crisis

Chronopoulos¹

2017

Journal of Urban History

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This article explores the rebuilding of the South Bronx from 1977 to 2003. This rebuilding represents an important public policy accomplishment, since the South Bronx was one of the most physically devastated areas in the United States. In terms of economic policy, the rebuilding of the South Bronx defies linear narratives. One the one hand, public-private partnerships, which represent some of the most important features of urban neoliberalism were used heavily in the revitalization of the South Bronx. Community organizations that had been rebuilding areas in the South Bronx in the 1970s and the 1980s were required to conform to the requirements of the market, if they were to continue participating in urban development. On the other hand, the building of housing for low-and moderate-income people is not exactly a neoliberal economic policy, since these housing units were built with public subsidies and regulated by government agencies. In its insistence to rebuild the South Bronx as well as other physically devastated areas, the city government of New York became involved in creative financing by incorporating non-government organizations that were ran by accomplished businesspeople but remained non-profit. And whatever the original intentions of city administrations in building and preserving affordable housing in the South Bronx may have been, the accommodation of so many low income people performing low-paying but essential jobs, has contributed to the making of a more vibrant urban economy, even if these same people are not necessarily the ones benefitting from New York's economic dynamism.

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Section: Housing In the South Bronx Under The New Housing Marketplacementioning

confidence: 99%

The Rebuilding of the South Bronx after the Fiscal Crisis

Chronopoulos¹

2017

Journal of Urban History

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“…In the 1990s, stimulated by new policies of deregulation and a bullish stock market, the city's financial sector recovered its strength, and office space demand soared around SoHo and Chelsea. Under such favorable economic conditions, both the Giuliani and Bloomberg administrations attempted to link the Far West Side to the Midtown Business District, a prime Manhattan office district since the 1920s (Brash, 2011;Brash, 2012; City of New York, 2011).…”

Section: Phase 3 (1980s~)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…After long debate, the plan was finalized without the stadium (Brash, 2011;Brash, 2012 These two projects are so-called planned community development, whereby a large-scale living-working complex was established on the land that has not been used as a human settlement. Therefore, the risk of the projects was magnificent and efficient enticement of developers and tenants was the most important than any other cases.…”

Section: Phase 3 (1980s~)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Contrary to the traditional idea that people follow industries in search of jobs, in the post-industrial era, industries began to view people as a primary concern around which to organize themselves (Clark et al, 2002;Florida, 2002;Strom, 2002). Consequently, creating good working and living conditions became an important priority on urban agendas (Brash, 2012;Currid, 2007). Unique urban open spaces are valuable assets to cities because they provide a sense of "authenticity" (Florida, 2002;Fainstein, 2007) and the high "quality of life" (Musterd and Murie, 2010) that is favored by a wide range of professionals and residents.…”

Section: ⅰ Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Urban Parks and Their Economic Roles - In the Context of Urban Redevelopment, United States -

Yoon¹

2013

Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture

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The primary goal of this research is to link two currently disconnected literature; the history of urban redevelopment and the one of urban parks and open spaces in the United States (US). Through this exercise, this study attempts to reveal examples of urban parks and open spaces that have yielded economic effects, and emphasize their possibility as a measure of urban redevelopment. Five phases are presented, starting with two Pre-World War II urbanization periods, and three subsequent periods of Post-World War II urban redevelopment (1940s~1960s, late 1960s~1970s, 1980s~present). While urban parks in the 19 th century urbanization period held a preeminent place in urban design, policy and economy, ensuing depression and World War II diminished their role as a channel to ease unemployment. In the first phase of urban redevelopment, the economic motive to build open space was to boost the appeal of specific locales in order to draw people and businesses back to a neglected city. In the second phase, public effort to create and maintain urban parks and open spaces declined due to the budget austerity, instead, community open spaces flourished through the voluntary actions and helped neighborhoods to regain desirability. In the third phase, the aspirations and functions of such projects resemble their forerunners of the first phase, but their targets extended to global businesses and elites.

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“…That gives us an unmatched competitive edge, one we'll sharpen with investments in neighborhoods, parks and housing… We'll invest in neighborhood livability, cultural organizations, education, research and medicine [and we'll] expand and develop business districts in all five boroughs." 49 In this way, Bloomberg was primarily concerned with NYC in the context of global competition-seeing it as a place that people make the decision to move to, rather than a place that people are born and raised. 50 This perspective was inherently imbued with a devaluation of native-born residents of the city, particularly low-income populations, and had large implications for the transformation of the city that followed his administration.…”

Section: Bloomberg's New York City As a Canonical Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Critical Examinations of Sustainability

Gay¹

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The ghost in the machine: the neoliberal urban visions of Michael Bloomberg

Cited by 13 publications

References 20 publications

The Rebuilding of the South Bronx after the Fiscal Crisis

The Rebuilding of the South Bronx after the Fiscal Crisis

Urban Parks and Their Economic Roles - In the Context of Urban Redevelopment, United States -

Critical Examinations of Sustainability

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