The Global Omnivore: Identifying Musical Taste Groups in Austria, England, Israel and Serbia

Abstract

This research offers a unique opportunity to revisit the omnivore hypothesis under a unified method of cross-national analysis. To accomplish this, we interpret omnivourism as a special case of cultural eclecticism (Ollivier, 2008;Ollivier, Gauthier and Truong, 2009).Our methodological approach incorporates the simultaneous analysis of locally produced and globally known musical genres. Its objective is to verify whether cultural omnivourism is a widespread phenomenon, and to determine to what extent any conclusions can be generalised across countries with different social structures and different levels of cultural openness. To truly understand the scope of the omnivourism hypothesis, we argue that it is essential to perform a cross-national comparison to test the hypothesis within a range of social, political and cultural contexts, and a reflection of different historical and cultural repertoires (Lamont, 1992).

Digital omnivores? How digital media reinforce social inequalities in cultural consumption

“…The latter, however, are still strongly tied to indicators of social inequality. For instance, omnivorous cultural preferences are more likely for women, the middle age groups, and the highly educated (Leguina et al, 2016;Peterson and Kern, 1996;Purhonen et al, 2010). Moreover, as famously illustrated by Bourdieu (1984: 142, 244), cultural preferences are adjusted to the objective conditions under which they were formed (amor fati) and remain quite stable even when objective conditions change (hysteresis).…”

Sport in broader leisure lifestyles: An analysis of the professional sport consumer’s cultural engagement

“…Likewise, the ability of sport to deliver key sociological insights about social class, gender and race, should not be under-estimated or overlooked (Washington and Karen, 2001). Much more work, however, has been undertaken in other cultural domains, such as music (Bryson, 1996; Chan and Goldthorpe, 2005; Leguina, Widdop and Tampubolon, 2016; Lizardo and Skiles, 2015; Peterson, 1992; Peterson and Kern, 1996; Prior, 2013; Savage and Gayo, 2011; Veenstra, 2015). Although some Canadian work on consumption has touched upon sport (e.g.…”

Exploring patterns of children’s cultural participation: parental cultural capitals and their transmission

“…No produce original digital art (98.7), No event connected with books or writing (98.6), Watch TV (97.5), Spend time with friends/family (97.2), Do not attend a live dance event (96.6), Do not attend arts and craft exhibition (94.3), Do sports (89.5), Shopping (87.7), Listen to music (87.5), Do not attend street arts (86.1), Eat out at restaurant (85.1), Do not attend the theatre (83), Day out or visits to places (80.5), Visit heritage sites/buildings (75.9), Do not attend a live music performance (73.6), Do not visit a museum (61.6), Go to pubs/ bars/clubs (53.9), DIY ( 48 consistent with the case of children, Table A.4 reveals the differences in the clusters' demographic and capital compositions (Hazır and Warde, 2015;Leguina et al, 2016). Interestingly, the analysis did not find a homogenous highbrow participation profile for parents but instead an eclectic one common to highly educated populations.…”