“…The coming together of: (a) increased levels of migration, refugees and mobility flows in the post-Cold War context; (b) the acknowledgement of globalization as a profound challenge to nation-states and longstanding assumptions about the power and capabilities of nation-states to "govern" effectively; (c) the realization that democratic states possess less and less legal sovereignty to limit the acquired and, by now to some extent, already "globalized" rights -or "post-national membership" (Soysal, 1994) -of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants (including even irregular migrants); (d) the growing awareness about transnationalism and the emergence of transnational social spaces (Faist, 2000;Pries, 2001;Wimmer and Glick-Schiller, 2002) together with; (e) the more general debate regarding governance (or "good" governance) as an alternative and/or additional mode to (unilateral) nation-state "government" constituted a set of processes that all fuelled the "internationalization" of migration policy -an increasing trend (and necessity) "pushing" migration and mobility politics "out" and "beyond" the naturalized national "containers" of policy-making (Betts, 2011;Grugel and Piper, 2007;Guiraudon, 2000;Koslowski, 2011;Newland, 2005). Nation-states, however, remained reluctant to follow the example of migrant transnationalism and to embark on a truly "transnational" regulation of cross-border mobility.…”