The Group of 77 in the international climate negotiations: recent developments and future directions

Kasa, Sjur; Gullberg, Anne Therese; Heggelund, Gørild

doi:10.1007/s10784-007-9060-4

Cited by 70 publications

(37 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…However, with the emergence of broader set of international incentives for policy change through UNFCCC mechanisms, like Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and REDD+ and broader incentives linking climate policy to energy and technology cooperation [9], it is clear that the domestic politics of climate change becomes increasingly linked to international developments. Thus, there are compelling arguments in favor of complementing the traditional -second image‖ logic of domestic interest mobilization explanations of climate policy positions by, including what Gourevitch [4] calls -second image reversed‖ explanations.…”

Section: Domestic Politics Governmental Authority Structures and Intmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This position consists of two core elements [9]. First, there is an insistence that mitigation is the responsibility of the developed countries and that the developing countries should be permitted to deal with poverty before dealing with mitigation.…”

Section: The Evolution Of Brazil's Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Still, there were no major changes of Brazil's position. Persson and Azar [22] note that all Brazil's submissions to the UNFCCC from COP-1 in 1994 until the early 2000s revolved around four topics of which the three first ones are congruent with the basic G77 position [9]. First, the Brazilian delegation accepted the climate problem as real and recognized the need for action.…”

Section: The Evolution Of Brazil's Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Second-Image Reversed and Climate Policy: How International Influences Helped Changing Brazil’s Positions on Climate Change

Kasa

2013

Sustainability

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Abstract:International climate policy over the last 7-8 years has been characterized by the increasing involvement of developing countries. While COP-13 at Bali marked a stronger willingness to participate in mitigation efforts in principle, there are now numerous examples of domestic programs for mitigation by this group of countries. Brazil has gone furthest among developing countries, with a substantial voluntary commitment to reduce its emissions proclaimed in 2009. The dynamics behind the change in Brazil's position are discussed, with a particular eye to the effects of international influences. In conjunction with important domestic changes, a set of interacting influences through a variety of pathways both changed preferences among important interest groups in Brazilian society towards favoring some kind of commitments and helped to change the structure of government forums and decision-making rules in a way that empowered reform-minded ministries. It is argued that this perspective, drawn from Peter Gourevitch's idea of the -second image reversed‖, is increasingly relevant for understanding the influence of the broad -regime complex‖ on climate change on politics in developing countries.

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Section: Domestic Politics Governmental Authority Structures and Intmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Evolution Of Brazil's Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Evolution Of Brazil's Positionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Second-Image Reversed and Climate Policy: How International Influences Helped Changing Brazil’s Positions on Climate Change

Kasa

2013

Sustainability

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“…For example, Kasa et al [106] margue that LDC's weak bargaining power and low institutional capacity led to their interests being manipulated by developed countries and more resource-wealthy developing countries within the UNFCCC. LDC delegations have expressed frustration that their perspectives have been inadequately considered within international climate negotiation processes [107].…”

Section: Participation and Recognitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Socially Just Triple-Wins? A Framework for Evaluating the Social Justice Implications of Climate Compatible Development

et al. 2018

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Climate compatible development (CCD) aims to help people improve their lives in the face of climate threats without exacerbating these threats for current and future generations. It is proving an attractive concept to both academics and practitioners. However, the social justice implications of CCD have not yet been comprehensively explored and an absence of adequate evaluation frameworks has led to multiple, legitimate cross-scalar social justice claims being marginalised. This article develops a framework to guide holistic social justice evaluation of CCD initiatives across levels and scales. Underpinning this framework is a social justice approach that embraces particularism, pluralism and procedural justice. Drawing on existing research, the framework is used to explore the implications of the Clean Development Mechanism for recognition, participation and distribution in the Least Developed Countries. Findings show that achieving social justice through CCD is not a given; rather, the social justice implications of CCD differ within and between levels and scales. We conclude by suggesting ways in which our framework can be applied to augment knowledge on CCD. Understanding the processes through which social justices and injustices are created is integral to considerations of whether and how CCD should be used to underpin a new development landscape.

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“…All of these require transfers of financial resources and technology from the North, including more specifically for mitigation of and adaptation to climate change in the climate regime (Vihma, Mulugetta, and Karlsson-Vinkuyzen 2011, 326; Williams 2005, 56). Beyond these general terms, members of the G-77 want to make their own development choices, and the group on principle makes few specific demands about development paths (Kasa, Gullberg, and Heggelund 2008). Over time, the G-77 has moved away from a strong stance that assumes that greater environmental protection is incompatible with its development goals, accepting the aim of sustainable development, although G-77 member states have defined the effectiveness and legitimacy of international environmental agreements in terms of whether they result in development outcomes like poverty reduction (Najam 2005).…”

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The G-77, BASIC, and global climate governance: a new era in multilateral environmental negotiations

Hochstetler

2012

Rev. bras. polít. int.

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(hochstet@uwaterloo.ca). 1 The G-77 is sometimes called the G-77/China, since China is officially only an associate member. I am shortening this to G-77 for simplicity.rev. Bras. Polít. Int. 55 (special edition): 53-69 [2012] 54 Kathryn ann hochstetler I begin with a brief introduction to the two main coalitions of interest, the G-77 and the BASIC countries. In the next sections, I use the groups' documents to illustrate how BASIC members explain their motivations in climate negotiations and their relationship to the G-77. I examine the empirical evidence for how the BASIC countries may be affecting the ability of their G-77 partners to achieve the latter's aims, concluding that they advance some aims while detracting from others.The G-77, BASIC, and their ambitions for global environmental governanceSince the decolonization wave that brought many new states into existence in the 1950s-1970s, the developing countries of the world have tried to maintain solidarity in international negotiations. Labels like the "South," the "Third World," or "developing countries" insist on their essential similarity, at least in opposition to the developed "North." The G-77 has been the institutional manifestation of that collective identity in many international settings, including climate negotiations. Studies of the G-77 have identified key dimensions of the institution and the aims it has pursued in the environmental arena, and I survey those here. The BASIC group is newer and less familiar, so I also briefly present its history. The G-77The G-77 began in 1964 to give a voice to demands for a New International Economic Order within the UN. Seventy-seven countries formed the original group, and the name Group of 77 continues even though the group now has more than 130 members. In addition to its new members, the G-77 has also lost some members over the years. For example, Mexico and the Republic of Korea withdrew from the G-77 when they entered the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Member states of the G-77 meet to coordinate their positions and a rotating chair (the position rotates between Africa, Asia, and Latin America) speaks for the group in international negotiations and to the press. Any group of 130 countries will have many differences and the G-77 is no exception. The South has always been politically and economically heterogeneous. Given this diversity, it is striking that through the mid-2000s, observers were readily able to identify a common set of concerns that the G-77 could represent in global negotiations. For some analysts, these common concerns were based on a structural division between North and South, rooted in different material realities and historical experiences (e.g. Miller 1995;Roberts and Parks 2007). For others, the South's collective action was based less on objective facts than on members' willingness to adopt a collective identity (e.g. Najam 2005, 306; Williams 2005, 51-53). Williams makes this argument most strongly, arguing "…the construction of a North-South d...

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The Group of 77 in the international climate negotiations: recent developments and future directions

Abstract: G77, Climate change, Negotiations, Developing countries,

Cited by 70 publications

References 18 publications

The Second-Image Reversed and Climate Policy: How International Influences Helped Changing Brazil’s Positions on Climate Change

The Second-Image Reversed and Climate Policy: How International Influences Helped Changing Brazil’s Positions on Climate Change

Socially Just Triple-Wins? A Framework for Evaluating the Social Justice Implications of Climate Compatible Development

The G-77, BASIC, and global climate governance: a new era in multilateral environmental negotiations

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