2013
DOI: 10.4324/9780203071236
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The Group of Twenty (G20)

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Cited by 111 publications
(57 citation statements)
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“…15, 18). Keohane and Underdal (, p. 60) similarly assert, “The transition from the G8 to the G20 as the principal forum for international economic coordination is a clear mark of the rise of certain developing countries to positions of economic preeminence.” David Held (, p. 204) believes it indicates “an unprecedented successful attempt by developing countries to extend their participation in key institutions of global governance.” As argued by Cooper and Thakur (, pp. 90–91), the G20 has become a hub of international cooperation and leadership on key issues.…”
Section: The G20 As a Partial Normative Community And Hub For Multilamentioning
confidence: 88%
See 3 more Smart Citations
“…15, 18). Keohane and Underdal (, p. 60) similarly assert, “The transition from the G8 to the G20 as the principal forum for international economic coordination is a clear mark of the rise of certain developing countries to positions of economic preeminence.” David Held (, p. 204) believes it indicates “an unprecedented successful attempt by developing countries to extend their participation in key institutions of global governance.” As argued by Cooper and Thakur (, pp. 90–91), the G20 has become a hub of international cooperation and leadership on key issues.…”
Section: The G20 As a Partial Normative Community And Hub For Multilamentioning
confidence: 88%
“…Argentina's membership has not stopped its government from becoming an outsider, due to influential insiders' perceptions of its lack of adherence to appropriate economic–governance norms. By contrast, Singapore's nonmembership has not prevented its government from becoming an insider in post‐2008 multilateral cooperation, especially due to its role as convener of the Global Governance Group (3G) of 28 small developing and wealthy nations, which made the Singaporean government a crucial interlocutor for the G20 (see Chowdhury, ), as consultations with the 3G helped reduce perceptions of a “legitimacy gap” in G20 representation (Cooper, , p. 100–05; Cooper & Thakur, , pp. 95–97).…”
Section: Normative Effects Of the G20 And In‐group Recognition Of “Inmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…7 He had in mind of course not only 'BRICS' -anomalous in that they include two permanent members of the Security Council, one a former superpower and the other the world's second largest economy -but also a host of other abbreviations: BRIICS (BRICS plus Indonesia); BASIC (the BRICS minus Russia); IBSA (BRICS minus Russia and China); BRICSAM (BRICS plus Mexico); and MIST (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea and Turkey). And we should not forget the G20 (South Africa, Canada, the USA, Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, China, Japan, South Korea, India, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Turkey, Australia, France, Germany, Italy, the UK, and the European Union), 8 or the 3G Coalition that exists as part of an informal variable geometry to get the G20 to be more inclusive of non-member views. 9 These structures lend new weight to long-standing critiques of Western dominance over the global governance of economic and financial affairs, including development, and perhaps provide a way to bridge the North-South chasm or the West-versus-the-Rest divide.…”
Section: Some Definitionsmentioning
confidence: 99%