Abstract:Grenada and its Dependencies.-First discovery, name, and inhabitants.-French invasion and establishment in 1650.-War with, and ex¬ termination of the natives.-The island and its dependencies conveyed to the count De Cerillac.-Misconduct and punishment of the deputy governor .-The colony reverts to the crown of France-State of the island in 1700.-And again in 1762, when captured by the English.-Stipulations in favour of the French inhabitants .-First measures of the British government.-Claim of the crown to lev… Show more
“…Ethnographic descriptions written in the 20th century (Beckwith 1929; Ebanks 1984; Hauser 2008), firsthand accounts from the 18th and 19th centuries (Belisario 1838; Edwards 1793; Long 1970[1774]; Phillippo 1843; Sloane 1707–25), and well‐dated and systematically excavated archaeological sites provide evidence for long‐standing and local traditions of pottery manufacture or distribution that begins as early as the 17th century (Hauser 2008). This pottery is distinct from pre‐Colombian pottery associated with western Taino and protohistoric pottery associated with indigenous manufacture during Spanish occupation (Woodward 2006).…”
Section: Routing Pots: Boundaries and Identitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…By 1711, plots on Jamaican plantations were allotted to each enslaved laborer to work on during “free time” on Sundays or Saturdays; these plots allowed laborers to grow root crops and make crafts for consumption by townspeople, the families of planters, the overseers, and themselves (Mintz 1974:184). By the 1730s, colonial codes had accounted for manufacture and sale of marketable goods by enslaved laborers, and narrative accounts document that selling such local goods had become common practice by the turn of the 19th century (Anonymous 1797:702; Edwards 1793:125; McDonald 1993:28).…”
Section: Routing Pots: Boundaries and Identitiesmentioning
I draw on research from Jamaica and Dominica to track economic networks through analysis of ceramic assemblages from house yards of enslaved laborers. Ceramics produced in Europe and used by colonial subjects have been used to reinforce narratives in which empires jealously guarded mercantile trade regimes. The presence of local coarse earthenware made and used by people of African extraction allows an analysis of more localized networks-some of which transgressed social and political boundaries. Careful analysis allows us to extend this observation to some European-made ceramics as well. As such, ceramic assemblages speak to how boundaries were enacted differently depending on the status of the actors engaged in these transactions. Attention to the variegated economic practices of colonial residents provides one mechanism to map the distances between how colonies were imagined in the imperial center and the practices of everyday life of people living at the boundaries of empires. [slavery, empires, trade networks, African diaspora, Colono Ware] ISLAND TERRITORIES AND COLONIAL BOUNDARIES
“…Ethnographic descriptions written in the 20th century (Beckwith 1929; Ebanks 1984; Hauser 2008), firsthand accounts from the 18th and 19th centuries (Belisario 1838; Edwards 1793; Long 1970[1774]; Phillippo 1843; Sloane 1707–25), and well‐dated and systematically excavated archaeological sites provide evidence for long‐standing and local traditions of pottery manufacture or distribution that begins as early as the 17th century (Hauser 2008). This pottery is distinct from pre‐Colombian pottery associated with western Taino and protohistoric pottery associated with indigenous manufacture during Spanish occupation (Woodward 2006).…”
Section: Routing Pots: Boundaries and Identitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…By 1711, plots on Jamaican plantations were allotted to each enslaved laborer to work on during “free time” on Sundays or Saturdays; these plots allowed laborers to grow root crops and make crafts for consumption by townspeople, the families of planters, the overseers, and themselves (Mintz 1974:184). By the 1730s, colonial codes had accounted for manufacture and sale of marketable goods by enslaved laborers, and narrative accounts document that selling such local goods had become common practice by the turn of the 19th century (Anonymous 1797:702; Edwards 1793:125; McDonald 1993:28).…”
Section: Routing Pots: Boundaries and Identitiesmentioning
I draw on research from Jamaica and Dominica to track economic networks through analysis of ceramic assemblages from house yards of enslaved laborers. Ceramics produced in Europe and used by colonial subjects have been used to reinforce narratives in which empires jealously guarded mercantile trade regimes. The presence of local coarse earthenware made and used by people of African extraction allows an analysis of more localized networks-some of which transgressed social and political boundaries. Careful analysis allows us to extend this observation to some European-made ceramics as well. As such, ceramic assemblages speak to how boundaries were enacted differently depending on the status of the actors engaged in these transactions. Attention to the variegated economic practices of colonial residents provides one mechanism to map the distances between how colonies were imagined in the imperial center and the practices of everyday life of people living at the boundaries of empires. [slavery, empires, trade networks, African diaspora, Colono Ware] ISLAND TERRITORIES AND COLONIAL BOUNDARIES
We use survival analysis to study the determinants of mortality of 1099 slaves living on the Jamaican sugar plantation of Mesopotamia for seven decades before the Emancipation Act of 1833. We find evidence that female slaves who were first observed during Joseph Foster Barham II's period of ownership (1789-1832) faced an increased risk of death compared with those who were first observed during his predecessor's tenure. We find no such relationship for males. We cite as a possible explanation the employment regime that was operated under Foster Barham II after his voluntary withdrawal from the transatlantic slave trade, which allocated increasing numbers of females to gang labour in the cane fields. g-estimation models estimate that continuous exposure to such work, versus never being exposed, reduced survival times by around 30%. We compare our results with previous studies of Mesopotamia and the wider literature dealing with work and survival in Caribbean slave populations.
“…Diseases from Europe, tropical Africa and the New World mingled in Jamaica in a complex co-existence driven by the prodigious supply of carriers and non-immune hosts. 24 The environment was dangerous but not necessarily deadly. 19 Infectious disease was likely a major factor in the island's high mortality rate, and the increased importation of enslaved workers only made the contribution greater.…”
This essay uses the Thistlewood family papers as a health record for the enslaved population in Jamaica. It examines the medical aspects of Thistlewood's journals, contextualising them in the social, political and cultural environment in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Examples of his provisions for medical care throughout his life are investigated systematically. Through counts from the original documents, the author identifies a seasonal pattern of disease and mortality on large and small Jamaican plantations and estimates an infant mortality rate of approximately 420 per 1000 births for Jamaican infants born into slavery.What boots thy gold when bought so dear? Thy wond'rous scenes of flood and fall? When pale disease is gliding near, Isle of the West! what boot they all? 1 Colonial Jamaica was not known for the longevity of its inhabitants. Contemporary sources blamed the unhealthy climate for the white deaths and the cruelty of Jamaica's white population for the enslaved losses, asserting that if the slaves had been stronger and better 'managed' , the doctors expertly trained and the plantation owners more attentive, Jamaica's population would not have needed continual repletion. 2 Modern scholars, hindered by limitations of surviving sources, have posited many reasons for the island's toxicity: mistreatment of the enslaved; ignorance of good health practices or unfortunate environmental circumstances such as rampant infectious disease; misplaced cultural practices or malnutrition. In this search, a familiar source can help to reconstruct the factors contributing to high mortality in colonial Jamaica.Thomas Thistlewood, the educated second son of an English farmer, was both a perpetrator of the fouler aspects of Jamaican colonial society and its scribe. He arrived on
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