The improvised language of solidarity: Linguistic practices in the participatory labour-organizing processes of multi-ethnic migrant workers

Abstract

There are considerable language barriers facing the potential collective labour organization of multi-ethnic migrant workers. From the research literature, we know little about linguistic practices that might overcome these barriers. Based on an ethnographic study of the participatory organizing of S.I. Cobas multi-ethnic migrant workers in the Italian logistics sector, we point to three linguistic practices that help overcome language barriers – translation, lingua franca and humour. We theorize these three linguistic practices as constituting an ‘improvised language of solidarity’. We argue that an improvised language of solidarity develops from, and can significantly support, participatory organizing.

Advancing Workers’ Rights in the Gig Economy through Discursive Power: The Communicative Strategies of Indie Unions

“…Societal power refers to workers' ability to represent their interests through public support articulated (i) via developing alliances with other civil society groups and organizations (coalitional power) and/or (ii) via appealing to and influencing the general public through communicative and symbolic practices that align with prevailing views of fairness (discursive power).0 F 1 Labour relations research on organizing has traditionally privileged the initiatives of established unions (Atzeni, 2021;Sullivan, 2010;Tapia et al, 2015;Alberti and Però, 2018) and has only recently begun to focus on precarious workers' collective agency. Here attention has been paid mainly to associational power, focusing on how workers develop collective initiatives despite working in fragmented, outsourced and heterogeneous environments (see for example López-Andreu, 2020;Royle and Rueckert, 2020;Rizzo and Atzeni 2020;Alberti and Però 2018;Però 2020;Cioce et al, 2022;Smith 2021;Tassinari and Maccarrone 2019;Englert et al 2020).…”

“…This associational power has combined with societal (coalitional) power through the building of collaborations and alliances with other civic and activist groups, so as to enhance the visibility of their protest and the disruption of workplace production (Moyers-Lee and Lopez, 2017; Acciari and Però, 2017;Shalmy 2018;Però, 2022). Some studies also focus on union members' use of social media (e.g.…”

“…Labour relations research on organizing has traditionally privileged the initiatives of established unions (Alberti and Però, 2018; Atzeni, 2021; Sullivan, 2010; Tapia et al, 2015) and has only recently begun to focus on precarious workers’ collective agency. Here attention has been paid mainly to associational power , focusing on how workers develop collective initiatives despite working in fragmented, outsourced and heterogeneous environments (see for example Alberti and Però, 2018; Cioce et al, 2022; Englert et al, 2020; López-Andreu, 2020; Però, 2020; Rizzo and Atzeni, 2020; Royle and Rueckert, 2022; Smith, 2021; Tassinari and Maccarrone, 2020). Underpinning many of the initiatives considered in this literature is a particular form of associational power, communities of struggle (see Però, 2020).…”

“…Besides offering individual and collective representation on work-related issues (including pay and conditions, harassment, victimization and dismissals) to well over 6,000 members, indie unions provide a range of services and opportunities that include English classes and free workshops on labour, housing and benefits rights (Però, 2020). Because of this constituency of highly precarious workers, indie unions tend to lack structural power, material resources and infrastructures and rely mostly on their members' subscriptions (Però, 2022). The nature of this funding, however, has allowed them to be independent and 'political', enabling them to draw on a broad and creative repertoire of collective action that they have deployed effectively in terms of visibility and impact.…”

“…The nature of this funding, however, has allowed them to be independent and 'political', enabling them to draw on a broad and creative repertoire of collective action that they have deployed effectively in terms of visibility and impact. There has been a long string of successes against much more powerful employers, including Sotheby's, the Barbican Centre, Harrods, the Daily Mail, and the University of London (see also Acciari and Però, 2017;Alberti and Però, 2018;Shalmy, 2018;Moyers-Lee and Lopez, 2017;Però, 2022). Their initiatives have begun to inspire change in some mainstream unions (see Smith 2021) and their significance in the history of the British labour movement has started to be acknowledged especially in terms of their contribution to union renewal (see Holgate, 2021;Alberti and Però 2018).…”