The Incorporation of Social Organizations under the MAS in Bolivia

Abstract

<jats:p> By drawing on the theoretical framework of the second incorporation of heterogeneous social organizations by progressive governments through informal contestation and/or technocratic implementation of their demands in Latin America, this article argues that the first presidential term of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006–2009) was marked by the incorporation of combative social movements through both a multidimensional co-optation of movements and the technocratic competition of the central movement demands for the nationalization of gas and the rewriting of the constitution through a constituent assembly. However, by 2010, this incorporation had stripped social movements of their ability to mobilize for change and the political conjuncture had shifted, making the government less dependent on its social bases to maintain political stability. This simultaneously transformed movements into defensive movements protecting the gains from the previous period and state–social-movement relations into informal contestatory regimes in which movements could only struggle against proposed political agendas. </jats:p><jats:p> En base a un marco teórico que abarca la segunda incorporación de organizaciones sociales heterogéneas por parte de gobiernos progresistas a través de la contestación informal y/o la implementación tecnocrática de sus demandas en América Latina, un análisis del proyecto político de Evo Morales en Bolivia sostiene que su primer mandato presidencial se vio caracterizado por la incorporación de movimientos sociales combativos a través de una cooptación multidimensional de dichos movimientos y la competencia tecnocrática de las demandas del movimiento central en torno a la nacionalización del gas y la modificación de la constitución por una asamblea constituyente. Sin embargo, para 2010, esta incorporación había despojado a los movimientos sociales de su capacidad de movilizarse a favor del cambio y la coyuntura política había cambiado, haciendo que el gobierno dependiera menos de sus bases sociales para mantener la estabilidad política. Esto transformó a los movimientos en entidades defensivas dedicadas a proteger las ganancias del período anterior y las relaciones entre el estado y los movimientos sociales en regímenes informales de impugnación dentro de los cuales los movimientos mismos sólo podían luchar contra las agendas políticas propuestas. </jats:p>

Assessing the Impact of the MAS Regime in Bolivia

“…This then allowed Morales's government to easily co‐opt sections of the labour movement's leadership to form a labour officialdom, leaving the COB unable to challenge the continuation of the neoliberal structure of the economy, and represent the majority of the country's working classes. McNelly (2020) also focuses on the diminishing role of social organisations as the MAS regime gradually became entrenched as the party of government; finally, Sánchez‐Sibony (2021) emphasises that during the MAS reign, political competition was genuine but fundamentally unfree and unfair, because the ruling party benefited from a truncated supply of electoral candidates; much greater access to finance; a partisan electoral management body; supermajorities in the legislature used to dispense authoritarian legalism; a captured and weaponised judiciary; and a co‐opted mass media ecosystem.…”

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“…It is debated to what extent these transformations have had an influence on decreasing poverty and inequality. The goal of the renewed 2009 constitution was to strengthen participatory democracy and the political inclusion of indigenous groups and women through a 'plurinational constitution' (McNelly, 2020;Mokrani and Chávez, 2012;Wolff, 2011). In addition, the constitution allowed 11 municipalities to start the process of transitioning to autonomous indigenous territories (Autonomía Indigena Originaria Campesina (AIOC); Ley No.…”