The Interdependency of Mass Media and Social                    Movements

Vliegenthart, Rens; Walgrave, Stefaan

doi:10.4135/9781446201015.n31

Cited by 53 publications

(49 citation statements)

References 63 publications

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“…Numerous and diverse analyses indicate that the ability of social movements to set the media agenda is weak Oliver and Maney, 2000;Vliegenthart and Walgrave, 2012 for an extensive review). Traditionally, it has been organizations with the greatest number of members and with centralized internal structures that have had a greater capacity to set the agenda for the media and to ensure accurate coverage of their demands (Gamson, 1990).…”

Section: -M As a Paradigm Of "Connective" Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

La cobertura mediática de una acción "conectiva": la interacción entre el movimiento 15-M y los medios de comunicación

Casas¹,

Davesa²,

Congosto³

2024

REIS

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En este artículo utilizamos mensajes de Twitter enviados en mayo de 2011para analizar la capacidad de un movimiento «conectivo» como el 15-Mpara introducir demandas en la agenda de los medios y mantener el controlsobre su discurso. Los resultados muestran que los activistas discutieronsobre un elevado número de temas aunque especialmente debatieronsobre el sistema electoral y de partidos; el sistema de gobierno ydemocracia; y sobre libertades civiles. Además, el estudio indica que losmedios de comunicación cubrieron la totalidad de los temas y que losmanifestantes mantuvieron un discurso plural durante el transcurso de lasprotestas. El artículo contribuye a la literatura sobre movimientos sociales‘conectivos’ al mostrar que en ciertas circunstancias demuestran una altacapacidad para determinar la cobertura mediática.

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Section: -M As a Paradigm Of "Connective" Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

La cobertura mediática de una acción "conectiva": la interacción entre el movimiento 15-M y los medios de comunicación

Casas¹,

Davesa²,

Congosto³

2024

REIS

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Political ideology may be especially important to explaining the orientation of watching as it should be less well explained by social psychological predictors geared towards physical co‐presence with protestors. In addition, political ideology has long been shown to predict consumption of news and other media (for discussions, see Klandermans, ; Snow et al ., ; Vliegenthart & Walgrave, ).…”

Section: Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the real world, protests are often associated with the political left or right, or some more specific political ideology such as anti‐austerity or anarchist (see Walder, ). Thus, political ideology should be a powerful explanation of who participates in mass demonstrations (for reviews, see Klandermans, ; Snow et al ., ) and it may also predict to a lesser extent who visits or watches mass demonstrations (Vliegenthart & Walgrave, ). As political ideology is a potentially important explanatory factor for which most social psychological models of protest do not account (Jost et al ., ), we thought it important to examine here.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining different orientations to the 2013 Gezi Park demonstrations in Istanbul, Turkey

Stewart

Leach

Bilali

et al. 2019

British J Social Psychol

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Although a notable minority orient to real‐world demonstrations by actively participating, other less involved, safer, orientations are more frequent. Thus, in the context of anti‐government demonstrations in Gezi Park/Taksim Square in Istanbul, Turkey, in 2013, we distinguished between the orientations of participating, visiting, and watching. Study 1 (N = 359) and Study 2 (N = 327) confirmed that participating was characterized by greater experience of police violence and feelings of collective empowerment (Drury & Reicher, European Journal of Social Psychology, 35, 2005, 35) than visiting and watching the demonstrations. Expanding upon and replicating the findings from Study 1, Study 2 examined identification with protestors and left‐wing ideology, along with constructs (social support, anger at the government, protestor's efficacy, endorsement of protestors) from the dynamic dual pathway model (van Zomeren et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 16, 2012, 180) as predictors of the three different orientations to the demonstrations. As expected, the dynamic dual pathway model predicted reported participation via endorsement of protestors, independent of identification with protestors and left‐wing ideology.

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“…Media coverage is a third external factor that determines the course of mass mobilization. Media characteristics and selection biases, which are beyond the control of protest actors, limit or enhance the prospects of mobilization: the type of media outlet (state run or private), whether it is mainstream, small or partisan, its journalistic routines, physical proximity to news outlets, and more (Gamson & Wolfsfeld, 1993;Oliver & Maney, 2000;Vliegenthart & Walgrave, 2012). Media outlets often ignore social movements or portray them according to the protest paradigm as violent, radical, disorganized or unpatriotic (Detenber, Gotlieb, McLeod, & Malinkina, 2007).…”

Section: External Forcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The stages of mass mobilization: separate phenomena and distinct causal mechanisms

Shultziner

Goldberg

2018

J Theory Soc Behav

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The notion that mass mobilization has analytically important stages is underappreciated in the literature. This paper proposes an approach that decomposes mass mobilization into three main phenomena: origins, protest and outcome. Each stage is characterized by unique factors and mechanisms. Accordingly, the research questions pertaining to each stage are dealt with by multiple levels of analysis and alternative explanations, allowing theory testing and theory development. The paper highlights separate causal mechanisms that operate in the emergence of grievances and protest motivation during the origins stage; mechanisms involving different forms of pressure, organization, psychological processes, and external forces during the protest stage; and mechanisms pertaining to key players and strategies that determine outcomes of mass mobilization. We illustrate that certain factors and mechanisms which are key in one stage have little or no causal relevance in the other stages. Other factors and mechanisms may also dramatically change in content, meaning or configuration between the stages. This theoretical approach facilitates the integration of a large and diverse body of scholarship into a structured analysis of mass mobilization that allows for both a detailed case study as well as comparison of stages across mass protests. The analysis of stages and causal mechanisms is illustrated across cases of democratization, revolution, and protest within democracy.

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The Interdependency of Mass Media and Social Movements

Cited by 53 publications

References 63 publications

La cobertura mediática de una acción "conectiva": la interacción entre el movimiento 15-M y los medios de comunicación

La cobertura mediática de una acción "conectiva": la interacción entre el movimiento 15-M y los medios de comunicación

Explaining different orientations to the 2013 Gezi Park demonstrations in Istanbul, Turkey

The stages of mass mobilization: separate phenomena and distinct causal mechanisms

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