The International Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Guatemala

Short, Nicola

doi:10.1007/978-1-137-04084-8

Cited by 33 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…No obstante, la antesala de estas transiciones fueron cambios en la estructura del poder económico y militar durante varias décadas previas. Luego del golpe orquestado por la cia contra el presidente reformista Jacobo Árbenz en 1954, la élite de Guatemala empezó a dividirse en tres grupos: la oligarquía agraria tradicional, sus auspiciadores militares -quienes obtuvieron autonomía luego de una larga permanencia en posiciones de poder político-y una nueva derecha basada en actividades económicas no tradicionales (Dosal, 1995;McCleary, 1999;Robinson, 2003;Schirmer, 1998;Short, 2007). Este último grupo -el cual invirtió de forma importante en la banca, exportaciones agrícolas no tradicionales, producción de maquilas y turismo-fue alentado, en gran parte, por cientos de millones de dólares provistos por la Agencia de los Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional, especialmente tras la transición a la democracia electoral en 1986.…”

Section: Llevando a Cabo La Transiciónunclassified

“…Este último grupo -el cual invirtió de forma importante en la banca, exportaciones agrícolas no tradicionales, producción de maquilas y turismo-fue alentado, en gran parte, por cientos de millones de dólares provistos por la Agencia de los Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional, especialmente tras la transición a la democracia electoral en 1986. A principios de los noventa, mientras el gobierno guatemalteco y las guerrillas negociaban el final del conflicto armado, la importancia de las nuevas actividades económicas superó las exportaciones agrícolas tradicionales y la nueva derecha tomó una influencia considerable en las decisiones políticas (Robinson, 2003;Segovia, 2005;Short, 2007).…”

Section: Llevando a Cabo La Transiciónunclassified

“…Mientras que el reparto del poder entre las élites fue favoreciendo al nuevo grupo económico, la transición se realizó procurando mantener el lugar de las fuerzas armadas e incluyendo elementos del Estado contrainsurgente dentro del naciente Estado neoliberal (Short, 2007). La preservación del poder militar se consiguió mediante la incorporación de las fuerzas armadas a la democracia, llamando a una elección presidencial en 1984 y reescribiendo la constitución nacional el año siguiente.…”

Section: Llevando a Cabo La Transiciónunclassified

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Concentración económica y poder político en América Latina

2020

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No se permite la reproducción total o parcial de este libro, ni su almacenamiento en un sistema informático, ni su transmisión en cualquier forma o por cualquier medio electrónico, mecánico, fotocopia u otros métodos, sin el permiso previo del editor. La responsabilidad por las opiniones expresadas en los libros, artículos, estudios y otras colaboraciones incumbe exclusivamente a los autores firmantes, y su publicación no necesariamente refleja los puntos de vista de la Secretaría Ejecutiva de CLACSO.

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Section: Llevando a Cabo La Transiciónunclassified

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Concentración económica y poder político en América Latina

2020

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“…Antonio Gramsci has stressed the role of hegemony for the reproduction of the capitalist system and its coercive power and functions. As Nicola Short (2007) elaborates, although the means of coercion are held by socially dominant groups and the state, the legitimacy of its use must be constructed across society. The role of hegemony is to create a 'common sense' by which the existing capitalist order is accepted as 'natural' by those subjected to it.…”

Section: The Neoliberal 'Legitimate' Hegemonymentioning

confidence: 99%

Revolutionary social work: promoting sustainable justice

Kamali¹,

Jönsson

2019

Critical and Radical Social Work

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“…The workshop that gave rise to this special issue was one moment in a period of heroic fury where Gramsci's concepts, their contemporary relevance, and their (in)adequacies, are being considered by a new generation of scholars. Across the humanities this is a rich period of continuing international scholarship on the thought and practice of Gramscias indicative of the diversity of (re)considerations of Gramsci in recent years, see Hesketh (2017), Modonesi (2013), Coutinho (2013), Short (2007), Beasley-Murray (2010), Morton (2007) and Thomas (2009), amongst others. The writers in this special issue are, in different ways, part of a wider effort to inventory the various traces of the current Gramscian moment.…”

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On ‘heroic fury’ and questions of method in Antonio Gramsci

Humphrys

Shalbak

2018

Thesis Eleven

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In note Q16 §2 Antonio Gramsci introduces us to truth seeking as eroico furore (heroic fury), an active striving not simply to attain a particular form of knowledge but to form a conception of the world. Eroico furore, for Gramsci, is about the development of a sensibility and the forming of personality. As Gramsci puts it, 'any new theory studied with "heroic fury" [eroico furore] (that is, studied not out of mere external curiosity but for reasons of deep interest) for a certain period, especially if one is young, attracts the student of its own accord and takes possession of his whole personality' (Gramsci 1971: 383; Q 16, §2). For Gramsci, this deeply rooted drive in one's own biography sustains intellectual undertaking 'until such a time as a critical equilibrium is created and one learns to study deeply but without succumbing to the fascination of the system and the author under study' (ibid). Eroico furore, then, denotes a dialectical movement, a scholarly journey and a transformation, that yields an individuated and unique beginning. This beginning, as a point of departure, incorporates the particular and the immediate while aspiring to rise beyond them in its striving to form its own adequate conception of the world. Defying established authorities and existing systems of thought is an intrinsic feature of this form of endeavour.The papers in this special issue are products of an intellectual conversation on the contribution of Antonio Gramsci to critical thought and method that largely evolved out of close readings of Gramsci's notes. This conversation culminated in a workshop at the University of Sydney on 29 May 2015 titled On 'Heroic Fury' and questions of method inAntonio Gramsci. In the workshop, Gramsci's eroico furore served as a leitmotif that brought together established and emerging researchers to discuss the relevance of Gramsci to their own intellectual concerns and research programs.Gramsci derives the eroico furore notion from the Italian Dominican friar, philosopher and cosmological theorist Giordano Bruno (1548-1600) who extended the conceptual reach THESIS ELEVEN 2 of the Copernican model. Bruno, a martyr of science for some, challenged the established authority of the Church, spent seven years in jail and was, ultimately, burned at the stake. The notion eroico furore encapsulates the affinity between the two prisoners, and links Gramsci and Bruno as militant thinkers who sought to extend our conception of the world. Gramsci's invocation of Bruno's notion is a reminder that critical knowledge is not about learning rules and deferring to authorities; rather it is about forming a transgressive intellectual attitude. This attitude is not content with repeating the explanations of established orthodoxies; rather it exerts itself to account for the complexity and contingency of social realities. What is really at stake here is not the coherence of positive social laws that aspire to provide universal explanations valid across time and space, but, instead, the integrity of practice and th...

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The International Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Guatemala

Cited by 33 publications

References 2 publications

Concentración económica y poder político en América Latina

Concentración económica y poder político en América Latina

Revolutionary social work: promoting sustainable justice

On ‘heroic fury’ and questions of method in Antonio Gramsci

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