The language barrier? Context, identity, and support for political goals in minority ethnolinguistic groups

Livingstone, Andrew; Manstead, Antony Stephen Reid; Spears, Russell; Bowen, Dafydd Rhys

doi:10.1348/014466610x529907

Cited by 15 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 36 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…One is that a language might have a symbolic role that has little to do with competence, unlike in Wales (Aitchison and Carter, 2000;Livingstone et al, 2011) or Catalonia (Clots-Figueras andMasella, 2009). However, it might be noted also that in those areas of Wales where English is dominant the Welsh language has a similarly symbolic role (Livingstone et al, 2011) and that Welsh, like Gaelic, is now cast in govermment pronouncements as the property of the nation: for example, the first National Language Plan for Welsh was entitled 'Iaith Pawb' -'everyone's language' (Welsh Assembly Government, 2003). There are parallels also with the Irish language, which Ó Riagáin (1997: 171) and Mac Giolla Chríost (2012) note to be a symbol of identity even among people who do not speak it.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Paterson

O'Hanlon

Ormston

et al. 2014

Regional & Federal Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Scotland seems to be a counter-example to general theories of the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism. These theories point to three components in the ideology of language and nation -that being able to speak the national language is necessary for full national membership, that the national language is a core part of the nation's culture, and that the future of national political autonomy and the future of the national language are connected with each other. In Scotland, it has appeared that language is not central to national membership or culture, and language campaigning has not been central to the political campaigns for autonomy. The paper presents new evidence, from the 2012 Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, which questions these beliefs about the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism in Scotland.

show abstract

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Paterson

O'Hanlon

Ormston

et al. 2014

Regional & Federal Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Political separatism has not featured extensively in psychological research on intergroup relations (see Abrams & Grant, , p. 675; Becker & Tausch, ; Livingstone, Manstead, Spears, & Bowen, ; van Zomeren, Postmes, & Spears, ). Yet it can be an important goal for radicalized disadvantaged groups in society (Sweetman, Leach, Spears, Pratto, & Saab, ).…”

Section: The Social Identity–relative Deprivation (Sird) and Efficacymentioning

confidence: 99%

Mobilizing IDEAS in the Scottish Referendum: Predicting voting intention and well‐being with the Identity‐Deprivation‐Efficacy‐Action‐Subjective well‐being model

Abrams

Travaglino

Grant

et al. 2019

British J Social Psychol

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In the month approaching the 2014 Scottish Independence referendum, we tested the Identity‐Deprivation‐Efficacy‐Action‐Subjective Well‐Being model using an electorally representative survey of Scottish adults (N = 1,156) to predict voting for independence and subjective well‐being. Based on social identity theory, we hypothesized for voting intention that the effects of collective relative deprivation, group identification, and collective efficacy, but not personal relative deprivation (PRD), should be fully mediated by social change ideology. Well‐being was predicted to be associated with PRD (negatively) and group identification (positively and, indirectly, negatively). Unaffected by demographic variables and differences in political interest, nested structural equation model tests supported the model, accounting for 82% of the variance in voting intention and 31% of the variance in subjective well‐being. However, effects involving efficacy depended on its temporal framing. We consider different ways that social identification can simultaneously enhance and diminish well‐being and we discuss ramifications of the model for collective mobilization and separatist nationalism. Findings also suggest new directions for research on social identity, collective efficacy, and collective action.

show abstract

“…National identity as one of the components of social identity involves identification with the larger societythe citizens of a particular country (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al, 2009). Studies have shown that decreased national identity can threaten social stability: weak national identity contributes to supporting national autonomy (Livingstone et al, 2011), and a threat to one's sense of identity leads to stronger separatist attitudes (Sindic, Reichert, 2009). Under discrimination conditions, the sense of belonging to an ethnic minority increases (Hutchison et al, 2015), while the sense of belonging to a national group decreases (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al, 2009).…”

Section: Social Identity and Acculturation Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Relationship Between Social Identities, Acculturation Strategies and the Psychological Well-Being of Young Russians in Latvia and Crimean Tatars in Crimea

Kodja

Ryabichenko

2019

SSRN Journal

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This cross-cultural study examines the role of social identities (ethnic, national and place) and acculturation strategies in the psychological well-being of young ethnic minorities in regions with different policies on minority integration-Russians in Latvia (N=109, age 16-24) and Crimean Tatars in Crimea (N=122, age 17-24). Results revealed the identities that promote psychological well-being of the young generation of these minorities. Ethnic identity predicts self-esteem in both groups and life satisfaction in Crimean Tatar youth. Place identity is positively related to life satisfaction of both groups. The national identity of ethnic minority youth predicts integration in both groups, while integration promotes self-esteem among Russian youth in Latvia only. The findings are discussed taking into account the historical, political and social context of Latvia and Crimea. JEL Classification: F22.

show abstract

The language barrier? Context, identity, and support for political goals in minority ethnolinguistic groups

Cited by 15 publications

References 36 publications

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Mobilizing IDEAS in the Scottish Referendum: Predicting voting intention and well‐being with the Identity‐Deprivation‐Efficacy‐Action‐Subjective well‐being model

The Relationship Between Social Identities, Acculturation Strategies and the Psychological Well-Being of Young Russians in Latvia and Crimean Tatars in Crimea

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About