The left, elections, and the political party system in the Philippines

Quimpo, Nathan Gilbert

doi:10.1080/1467271052000305241

Cited by 23 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…With the lifting of martial law in 1982, the left-wing frame further spread among above-ground nationwide organizations of workers, peasants, students, women and professionals. Activists appealed to class solidarity not patronage, and called for "genuine" land reform and nationalist industrialization (Quimpo 2005). Though the radical left had a "persistent distrust for electoral politics and a dogmatic preference for pressure politics" (Magno 1991: 9), the expansion of left-wing reformist movements since Marcos's ouster in 1986 and the split of the radical left in the early 1990s saw more serious engagements in the electoral sphere (Quimpo 2005).…”

Section: The Left-wing Revolutionarymentioning

confidence: 99%

Framing Superiority and Closeness: Bridging the Class Gap in Philippine Electoral Politics

Rutten

2011

Comp Sociol

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Contentious politics produces diverse leadership styles that may all be salient to a country's electorate. This article explores key cultural frames that allow politicians to project both superiority and closeness to lower-class populations, hinged on different criteria of legitimacy. In the Philippine electoral arena, the established "patronage frame" is challenged by new political contenders who put forward the "oppression frame" of class politics, the "good governance" frame of liberal reformers, and the populist frame of media celebrities-turned-politicians. Given the salience of multiple frames, ordinary people may employ seemingly contradictory criteria of superiority and legitimacy and combine these effortlessly when they choose whom to vote for. This article suggests a social logic of frame diversity.In a society marked by stark socio-economic inequalities, where the rich and powerful dominate government posts, members of the elite need to court the vote of a vast electorate of poor, lower-class people with each electoral round. In the Philippines, elite candidates selectively use and dissimulate marks of social distinction in order to bridge the class divide and convince the poor that they are the best champions of their cause. The cultural frame of patronage has long provided a useful ideological vehicle

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Section: The Left-wing Revolutionarymentioning

confidence: 99%

Framing Superiority and Closeness: Bridging the Class Gap in Philippine Electoral Politics

Rutten

2011

Comp Sociol

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“…The focus on activity, rather than political identity, allowed Marcos to maintain the fiction of liberalizing rule during the last ten years of his regime, a fiction necessary to his abiding, but ultimately unrealized, goal of reconciling broad sections of society to his rule. As centrally positioned social forces (urban, often middle class, and institutionally connected to the Church or to universities) became more involved in anti-dictatorship activity, the focus on proscribed acts produced one of the peculiar designations of Philippine resistance and repression: the semi-legal organization (a phrase that movement and government descriptions of activist formations used regularly) (Quimpo 2005). What both sides meant, but neither said directly, is that such groups generally follow the law in their public activity, but that they contain members of the illegal Communist Party, and work to recruit and support the insurgent CPP/NPA (Communist Party of the Philippines/New People's Army) movement.…”

Section: Beyond Disaggregation: Authoritarianism As Repressionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Elections, repression and authoritarian survival in post-transition Indonesia and the Philippines

Boudreau

2009

The Pacific Review

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This paper compares post-transition Philippines and Indonesia, examining the ways in which authoritarian practices survive and are shaped by regime transition. It examines the transition process in each case, to identify the problems of management and control that regime elites set for themselves in the post-dictatorship period. It is argued that Philippine elites set out to disaggregate and domesticate an already mobilized opposition movement, while the Indonesian authorities strove to keep similar popular politics from mobilizing. The paper then considers how these political objectives find expression in the structuring of two important institutional fields -the electoral and policy making processes -concluding with an examination of how these considerations influence patterns of repression. In particular, the paper also investigates whether repression targets primarily proscribed modes of activity, or sets out to threaten and intimidate proscribed organizations and people. Differences in electoral and policy processes, as well as in patterns of repression, demonstrate the ways in which authoritarianism can survive regime transitions and can undermine the promise of democracy in the postdictatorship period.

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“…Die Ausnahme ist die politische Linke, der es jedoch nicht gelungen ist, sich in der elektoralen Arena zu positionieren (Quimpo 2005;Abinales 2006). Die Ausnahme ist die politische Linke, der es jedoch nicht gelungen ist, sich in der elektoralen Arena zu positionieren (Quimpo 2005;Abinales 2006).…”

Section: Parteien Und Parteiensystemunclassified

Die politischen Systeme Südostasiens

Croissant¹

2016

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The left, elections, and the political party system in the Philippines

Cited by 23 publications

References 0 publications

Framing Superiority and Closeness: Bridging the Class Gap in Philippine Electoral Politics

Framing Superiority and Closeness: Bridging the Class Gap in Philippine Electoral Politics

Elections, repression and authoritarian survival in post-transition Indonesia and the Philippines

Die politischen Systeme Südostasiens

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