The Legacy of Wartime Violence on Intimate-Partner Abuse: Microlevel Evidence from Peru, 1980–2009

Østby, Gudrun; Leiby, Michele; Nordås, Ragnhild

doi:10.1093/isq/sqy043

Cited by 30 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 63 publications

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“…We find that women's contraceptive use was reduced by intimate partner violence. Intimate partner violence is in turn known to relate positively to armed conflict in Colombia and elsewhere (Noe and Rieckmann ; Rieckmann ; Østby, Leiby, and Nordås ). Because of the Colombian “marriage squeeze” or skewed sex ratio, women have less ability to negotiate decisions in relationships and to leave abusive relationships (Jones and Ferguson ).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Indeed, young women in Colombia who have experienced sexual violence have higher levels of unintended pregnancy and lower levels of current modern contraceptive use (Gomez ). Evidence from Colombia (Noe and Rieckmann ; Rieckmann ) and Peru (Østby, Leiby, and Nordås, ) suggests that armed conflict increases men's intimate partner violence against women. Jones and Ferguson () have argued that the imbalanced sex ratio following excess male mortality in Colombia undermines women's empowerment in relationship decisions.…”

Section: Perspectives On Contraceptive Use During Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Conflict and Contraception in Colombia

Svallfors¹,

Billingsley²

2019

Studies in Family Planning

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This study explores how armed conflict relates to contraceptive use in Colombia, combining data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program and Demographic and Health Surveys 1990-2016. Our study is the first systematic effort to investigate whether and how violent conflict influences women's contraceptive use, using nationally representative data across all stages of women's reproductive careers. With fixed effects linear probability models, we adjust for location-specific cultural, social, and economic differences. The results show that although modern contraceptive use increased over time, it declined according to conflict intensity across location and time. We find no evidence that this relationship varied across socioeconomic groups. Increased fertility demand appears to explain a small portion of this relationship, potentially reflecting uncertainty about losing a partner, but conflict may also result in lack of access to contraceptive goods and services.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Perspectives On Contraceptive Use During Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conflict and Contraception in Colombia

Svallfors¹,

Billingsley²

2019

Studies in Family Planning

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“…A second literature, largely quantitative in nature, examines the determinants of violence against women and suggests that increased levels of rape and domestic violence continue after armed conflict (Haglund and Richards 2018;Østby, Leiby, and Nordås 2019;True 2012). This work draws theory from a rich critical feminist tradition that establishes continuities of violence between war and peace (Cockburn 2004;Pankhurst 2008;Swaine 2015;Zurbriggen 2010).…”

Section: Literature and Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Male warrior-like qualities that lend themselves to violence are prized and emotions devalued in order to prepare fighters to perpetrate and respond to violence effectively (Morris 1996). Research suggests that violent norms extend beyond armed groups to facilitate community mobilization (Krause 2018) and violence by other civilian actors (Østby, Leiby, and Nordås 2019).…”

Section: Violent Masculinitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conflict, Protection, and Punishment: Repercussions of Violence in Eastern DR Congo

Lindsey

2021

American J Political Sci

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How does armed conflict affect attitudes that tolerate violence against women? This article examines the effects of armed violence on preferences for punishing crimes against women using original quantitative data from 80 focus groups across 20 villages in Democratic Republic of Congo and a matched pair design. Challenging unidirectional logics within theories of violence against women, the data reveal that local exposure to armed violence increases how severely men prefer to punish rape while decreasing how severely men and women prefer to punish domestic violence. Building inductively, I develop a theory of protective masculine norms to account for armed conflict's gendered and crime-specific effects. When armed violence heightens demand for local male protection, crimes perceived to pose a community threat are affected differently from "private" crimes.Verification Materials: The data and materials required to verify the computational reproducibility of the results, procedures, and analyses in this article are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/LBAV1Q.A large literature has demonstrated that harmful gender attitudes and practices emerge when armed group members organize, bond, and engage in war (Cohen 2013;Morris 1996;Wood 2018;Zurbriggen 2010). Studies also demonstrate that these harmful attitudes and practices spill over to the civilian population and unhinge social norms and sanctions that keep everyday violence perpetrated against women at bay (Haglund and Richards 2018; Østby, Leiby, and Nordås 2019; Zurbriggen 2010).Does armed conflict lead to more tolerant attitudes toward violence against women? Although the above-mentioned studies suggest increased attitudinal tolerance of violence against women, other studies have found that women can take on newly empowered roles during civil war (Berry 2018;Lazarev 2019;Wood 2008) with potentially opposite implications.This article examines the effects of community exposure to armed group violence on preferences for punishing violence against women in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo). I study preferences for punishing two forms of violence against women, rape (specifically, nonintimate partner rape) and domestic violence (specifically, wife beating), and focus on the mechanism of civilian self-protection efforts to explain attitudinal change.The findings show that men prefer to punish perpetrators of rape within the community more severely after exposure to armed violence. In contrast, both men and women prefer to punish perpetrators of domestic violence less severely after exposure to armed violence. These results are inconsistent with microlevel implications of established logics within theories of violence against women.Building inductively, I offer an alternative explanation: a theory of protective masculine norms. The theory begins with the need for community self-protection in the immediate aftermath of armed violence and then

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“…92.Recent work has confirmed that women face more violence in the postwar period (Østby, Leiby, and Nordås 2019; Rustad, Østby, and Nordås 2016) and that women running for elective office are increasingly targeted for political violence (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2020). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Does More Equality for Women Mean Less War? Rethinking Sex and Gender Inequality and Political Violence

Cohen¹,

Karim²

2021

Int Org

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Recent world events, such as the rise of hypermasculine authoritarian leaders, have shown the importance of both sex and gender for understanding international politics. However, quantitative researchers of conflict have long relegated the study of sex and gender inequality as a cause of war to a specialized group of scholars, despite overwhelming evidence that the connections are profound and consequential. In this review essay, we demonstrate the tremendous progress made in this field by analyzing a wave of research that examines the relationships between sex and gender inequality and war. We divide this work into theories that emphasize strategy versus those that analyze structures. In addition, we focus on two aspects of this research agenda—specifying mechanisms that link sex and gender inequality to war, and leveraging data at multiple levels of analysis—to outline fruitful pathways forward for the broader international security research agenda. Ultimately, we argue that the study of the nexus of sex and gender inequality and war will enliven theoretical debates, illuminate new hypotheses, and enrich the policy discourse with robust evidence.

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The Legacy of Wartime Violence on Intimate-Partner Abuse: Microlevel Evidence from Peru, 1980–2009

Cited by 30 publications

References 63 publications

Conflict and Contraception in Colombia

Conflict and Contraception in Colombia

Conflict, Protection, and Punishment: Repercussions of Violence in Eastern DR Congo

Does More Equality for Women Mean Less War? Rethinking Sex and Gender Inequality and Political Violence

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