2012
DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2012.682349
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The Life Cycle of Party Manifestos: The Austrian Case

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Cited by 75 publications
(64 citation statements)
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“…Although we can only measure voter salience after the election took place, we believe that the post-election issue agenda should be a good proxy for the pre-election period on which manifestos were based. This is because the time span between the publication of a party's manifesto and the election itself is usually short, often just a couple of weeks (Dolezal et al 2012), and the public issue agenda is rather stable over a single election campaign (Page 1978: chapter 5;Clarke et al 2009: chapter 3 and 152-6). 10.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although we can only measure voter salience after the election took place, we believe that the post-election issue agenda should be a good proxy for the pre-election period on which manifestos were based. This is because the time span between the publication of a party's manifesto and the election itself is usually short, often just a couple of weeks (Dolezal et al 2012), and the public issue agenda is rather stable over a single election campaign (Page 1978: chapter 5;Clarke et al 2009: chapter 3 and 152-6). 10.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Their dynamic nature allows parties to react to each other and thus to pursue issue engagement. Compared to manifestos, which also serve in part as signals to party activists (Dolezal et al 2012), the target readership of party press releases is clear, as they are written for the main purpose of influencing the public debate via the news media (Hopmann et al 2012). Party press releases also have advantages over other sources of salience measures.…”
Section: Measuring Issue Engagement In Party Press Releasesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Zur Abschwächung der Gefahr dieses Steuerungsdefizits (agency loss), können Parteien Kontrollmechanismen verankern. Ein insbesondere für westeuropäische Demokratien typischer Kontrollmechanismus ist ein schriftliches, öffentlich zugängli-ches Koalitionsabkommen (Müller/Strøm 2000Strøm/Müller 1999) (Tsebelis 1995(Tsebelis , 2002 Kaum ein Ergebnis findet in der Literatur derart ungeteilte Unterstützung wie die Vorhersagekraft des aktuellen Policy-Zustands (Costello/Thomson 2008, 250;Kostadinova 2013, 12;Mansergh/Thomson 2007, 319;Royed 1996, 61-62;Schermann/Ennser-Jedenastik 2014, 577;Thomson et al 2010, 18;2012, 22;2014, 24 (Dolezal et al 2012;Jenny 2006, 884;Robertson 1976, 72;Rose 1980, 56). Wahlprogramme sind daher der beste Indikator für das Policy-Angebot einer Partei im Wahlkampf und bilden nicht umsonst die in der Literatur zur Umsetzung von Wahlversprechen typische Datengrundlage (Costello/Thomson 2008;Mansergh/Thomson 2007;Naurin 2011;Royed 1996;Thomson 2001;Thomson et al 2010; (Dolezal et al 2014, 9).…”
Section: Hypothesenunclassified