Key Words teenage pregnancy prevention, policy strategies, adolescent reproductive health ■ Abstract Teenage pregnancy prevention has long been on the American public health agenda. Over the past decade, a number of concurrent federal, state, and local policies have responded to the myriad and diverse needs of adolescents, from supporting adolescents who have not initiated sexual intercourse to strategies aimed at avoiding a repeat pregnancy among teenage parents. Key policies, including comprehensive family life education, access to contraceptive care, and youth development, have resulted in delays in sexual debut, improved contraceptive use, and have achieved reductions in pregnancies, abortions, and births. Although improvements are documented across all ethnic and racial subgroups, substantial health disparities continue to exist. Synergistic policy approaches represent a substantial change from the past when narrow, single-issue strategies were adopted and were limited in their effectiveness. Renewed efforts to implement narrow policy approaches (e.g., abstinence-until-marriage or restrictions to contraceptive access) need to be considered in light of existing research findings.
INTRODUCTIONAfter steadily rising in the late 1980s and peaking in 1991, childbearing rates among teenagers fell steadily throughout the 1990s and early twenty-first century. By 2002, the overall teenage pregnancy rate declined from 111 in 1980 to 83.6 per 1000 women aged 15-19, while the birthrate declined from 53.2 in 1980 to a record low of 41.7 per 1000 women aged 15-19 in 2003 (38, 43, 57) (Figure 1). Thus, there is now some hope that this seemingly intractable problem is beginning to change. In spite of decreases across all ethnic and racial groups, epidemiological data continue to document significant disparities within subgroups of adolescents (20,38,43,57).Young women from all economic and ethnic backgrounds face unintended pregnancies, but poor youth and youth of color are more likely to become 0163-
278BRINDIS adolescent parents (1). For example, 8% of non-Hispanic white teens had a first birth by age 20, compared to 20% of non-Hispanic black teens and 24% of Hispanics ( Figure 2) (1). Overall, there is strong agreement that teen pregnancy and birthrates in the U.S. are still too high and that reducing the number of births to teens remains an important policy goal (28,31,56,62,63). Furthermore, a growing and more ethnically and racially diverse adolescent population, coupled with the current budget crisis, and increasingly narrow policies at the federal and state levels threaten to affect these important declines (14,24). This is especially worrisome as the deleterious effects of early parenthood, especially in poor communities, have been amply documented: poorer health status for mother and her baby, worse educational outcomes, limited future employment opportunities, and greater incidence of poverty (62,63). Early parenthood is also clearly linked to an array of other critical social concerns, including welfare depen...