2018
DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2018.1514494
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The limits of an ‘open mind’: state violence, Turkification, and complicity in the Turkish–Kurdish conflict

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Cited by 9 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…For example, the resistance that Kurds display over the years is delegitimized by a frame of “terrorism” through both military actions and political discourses as well as a supremacist assignment of “good” versus “bad” Kurds in instances of daily life (Kışlıoğlu & Cohrs, 2018; Uzun Avci, 2019). Therefore, when we speak of Turkish oppression/violence, we underline the perpetrators on both macro- (Turkish state and its accomplices) and meso-levels (Turkish public as a national group and its accomplices; e.g., Protner, 2018) unless we specify otherwise.…”
Section: Why and How Do We Do What We Do?mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…For example, the resistance that Kurds display over the years is delegitimized by a frame of “terrorism” through both military actions and political discourses as well as a supremacist assignment of “good” versus “bad” Kurds in instances of daily life (Kışlıoğlu & Cohrs, 2018; Uzun Avci, 2019). Therefore, when we speak of Turkish oppression/violence, we underline the perpetrators on both macro- (Turkish state and its accomplices) and meso-levels (Turkish public as a national group and its accomplices; e.g., Protner, 2018) unless we specify otherwise.…”
Section: Why and How Do We Do What We Do?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite the major historical, geographical, sociocultural, and political differences between the “Global North” and Mesopotamia in making sense of racism and colonialism in the latter, there are also similarities, and CRT provides us an experiential ground to meet at the intersection of those similarities. Specifically, the expansive “assimilation or exclusion” and “denial”/“forgetting” strategies for preserving privileges used by the Turkish state have established a neocolonial Turkishness doctrine for rejecting Kurds’ demands for political, economic, social, and cultural rights (Bozarslan, 2008; Protner, 2018). This doctrine stretches beyond temporary political governments and establishes societal- and individual-level racism in every domain of life through unspoken contracts of Turkishness and (Sunni) Muslimness (Ünlü, 2016).…”
Section: Why and How Do We Do What We Do?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Therefore, when we speak of Turkish oppression/violence, we underline the perpetrators on both macro-(Turkish state and its accomplices) and meso-(Turkish public as a national group and its accomplices) levels (e.g., Protner, 2018) unless we specify otherwise.…”
Section: Figurementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite the major historical, geographical, sociocultural and political differences between the 'Global North' and Mesopotamia in making sense of racism and colonialism in the latter, there are also similarities, and CRT provides us an experiential ground to meet at the intersection of those similarities. Specifically, the expansive 'assimilation or exclusion' and 'denial'/'forgetting' strategies for preserving privileges used by the Turkish state have established a neocolonial Turkishness doctrine for rejecting Kurds' demands for political, economic, social and cultural rights (Bozarslan, 2008;Protner, 2018). This doctrine stretches beyond temporary political governments and establishes societal and individual level racism in every domain of life through unspoken contracts of Turkishness and (Sunni) Muslimness (Ünlü, 2016).…”
Section: Using Counternarrativesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…. returned with unexpected intensity’ (Protner, 2018b). Turkey announced a military operation against PKK on 24 July 2015 and, as the operations continued, the images from the war began circulating on social media (İbrahimhakkıoğlu, 2018).…”
Section: The Turkish–kurdish Conflictmentioning
confidence: 99%