“…A substantial body of research has examined the recent relations between the state and neoliberal urbanism in the Turkish context and the mushrooming of urban renewal projects that range from commercial and cultural centres for historic inner-city and port tourism complexes and shopping malls along the Bosporus waterfront to luxury upper-income residences and gated communities in the squatter neighbourhoods of Istanbul (see International Planning Studies, 2011: special issue 1). The term 'gentrification' has been used to reveal the socioeconomic consequences that follow the physical-environmental changes created by these projects (Gu¨zey, 2016;Islam and Sakızlıog˘lu, 2015). This experience of Istanbul resonates with the recent debates in the gentrification literature, which increasingly terms such projects 'state-led', 'thirdwave' or 'new-build' (see Davidson and Lees, 2010;Hackworth and Smith, 2001).…”
Section: Assembling the Gentrification Of Istanbulmentioning
confidence: 92%
“…The late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century buildings that were home to non-Muslim minorities until the 1940s and 1950s and then housed rural migrants recently became home to gentrifiers. Therefore, the dynamics of the process were related to reinvestment in the city centre after changes in modes of production and industrial decentralisation (Can, 2013;Sam, 2010;Sen 2011;Uysal, 2008) but were more closely related to the devaluation of the inner city after the departure of the non-Muslim residents and the subsequent revaluation due to the inflow of middle-income groups (Islam and Sakızlıog˘lu, 2015). In general, these processes occurred spontaneously and were stimulated by market forces.…”
Section: Assembling the Gentrification Of Istanbulmentioning
This paper aims to contribute to the gentrification literature through the potentials of assemblage thinking. We focus on gentrification in Istanbul, which represents the characteristics of both the Global South and North, and use assemblages to link together gentrification and the temporal scales of Istanbul’s urbanisation as well as geographical scales of gentrification around the world. Approaching gentrification as a continual process of transformation and emergence, we intend to illuminate how assemblages of gentrification in a historical inner-city neighbourhood, Cihangir, can be produced and reproduced in the trajectory of this neighbourhood. In so doing, we reveal and explore the role of the state in seemingly market-led gentrification and draw attention to the generative potentiality in the local resistance to the recent state-led gentrification of Cihangir.
“…A substantial body of research has examined the recent relations between the state and neoliberal urbanism in the Turkish context and the mushrooming of urban renewal projects that range from commercial and cultural centres for historic inner-city and port tourism complexes and shopping malls along the Bosporus waterfront to luxury upper-income residences and gated communities in the squatter neighbourhoods of Istanbul (see International Planning Studies, 2011: special issue 1). The term 'gentrification' has been used to reveal the socioeconomic consequences that follow the physical-environmental changes created by these projects (Gu¨zey, 2016;Islam and Sakızlıog˘lu, 2015). This experience of Istanbul resonates with the recent debates in the gentrification literature, which increasingly terms such projects 'state-led', 'thirdwave' or 'new-build' (see Davidson and Lees, 2010;Hackworth and Smith, 2001).…”
Section: Assembling the Gentrification Of Istanbulmentioning
confidence: 92%
“…The late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century buildings that were home to non-Muslim minorities until the 1940s and 1950s and then housed rural migrants recently became home to gentrifiers. Therefore, the dynamics of the process were related to reinvestment in the city centre after changes in modes of production and industrial decentralisation (Can, 2013;Sam, 2010;Sen 2011;Uysal, 2008) but were more closely related to the devaluation of the inner city after the departure of the non-Muslim residents and the subsequent revaluation due to the inflow of middle-income groups (Islam and Sakızlıog˘lu, 2015). In general, these processes occurred spontaneously and were stimulated by market forces.…”
Section: Assembling the Gentrification Of Istanbulmentioning
This paper aims to contribute to the gentrification literature through the potentials of assemblage thinking. We focus on gentrification in Istanbul, which represents the characteristics of both the Global South and North, and use assemblages to link together gentrification and the temporal scales of Istanbul’s urbanisation as well as geographical scales of gentrification around the world. Approaching gentrification as a continual process of transformation and emergence, we intend to illuminate how assemblages of gentrification in a historical inner-city neighbourhood, Cihangir, can be produced and reproduced in the trajectory of this neighbourhood. In so doing, we reveal and explore the role of the state in seemingly market-led gentrification and draw attention to the generative potentiality in the local resistance to the recent state-led gentrification of Cihangir.
“…After the migration of non‐Muslims, such areas fell into dilapidation, and low‐income migrants began to move in. In this context, İslam and Sakızlıoğlu (2015, p. 248–249) underline important differences between Turkey and the Anglo‐Saxon world in the gentrification process: Istanbul did not experience a depopulation or abandonment of its central area; the central city has always hosted people, even in times of devalorisation. The centre has been subject to a disinvestment cycle but the dynamics of this cycle were not related to industrial decentralization.…”
This paper begins by investigating the occurrence of gentrification in Istanbul during the period of 2008 and 2017, through the application of dynamic system/difference generalized method of moments estimation techniques. Our findings reveal that gentrification seems to have taken hold with the processes of urban regeneration that began in 2012. Additional associations between such parameters as housing price/rent growth, demographic changes, enterprise growth, and political administration (that is, whether the district is overseen by the opposition party or not) are tested through the use of REIDIN sales and rent indices, along with Turkish Statistical Institute data sets for 25 districts in Istanbul and 19 city‐centre districts. The results demonstrate that gentrification is closely related to demographics/age and political administration. Overall, while house price/rent growth and enterprise growth are not observed to have an impact on gentrification, the findings of this study reveal that the association between housing prices and gentrification is positive only in those districts governed by the opposition party. The study thus raises questions about the relationship between political attitudes and gentrification in Turkey.
“…Yapılan birçok araştırma, proje kararlarının idarelerce halk katılımından yoksun olarak alındığını ve katılım olarak görülenin sadece halka proje detaylarının anlatıldığı toplantılar olduğunu göstermiştir (Kuyucu, 2014;Ünsal, 2014). Bu durum, İstanbul'da ilk uygulanmaya başlanan Sulukule ve Tarlabaşı projelerinde son derece açık olarak ortaya çıkmış ve bu deneyim kentsel muhalefet grupları (STK'lar, odalar) tarafından sıkça eleştirilmiştir (İslam ve Sakızlıoğlu, 2015;Kuyucu ve Ünsal, 2010). Katılımın önemi, gerekliliği ve fiiliyatta eksikliği, daha sonra uygulanmak istenen birçok proje alanında yaşayan halka bu muhalif gruplar tarafından iyi anlatılmış ve insanlar projelerin bu yönüne karşı mobilize olabilmişlerdir.…”
Section: Büyük çAplı Proje Uygulamalarının çıKmazlarıunclassified
Bu makaleye temel oluşturan araştırma, Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri'nin (BAP) 10500 numaralı projesi ve Urban Studies Foundation tarafından sağlanan International Fellowship bursu sayesinde tamamlanmıştır. Makalenin yazım aşamasında vermiş olduğu değerli yorumlar ve öneriler için Arda İbikoğlu'na, İdealKent dergisinin hakemlerine ve editörlerine çok teşekkür ederim.
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