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In the period between 1995 and 2012, a number of European countries suspended mandatory military service upon which European national standing armies were based, from the 19th to the end of the 20th century. The Second Crimean crisis, which yielded the renewed perception of Russia as a threat to the West, caused a narrative shift regarding military organization in Europe placing public expression of concern for efficiency of its military and its deterrence capability on the public agenda. The subject of this paper is the analysis of social facts that obstruct political decision-making on military conscription in European societies or hinder the process of reinstating mandatory military service in European countries. The aim is to point out the social determinisms that discourage the introduction of mandatory military service in Europe while favouring the professional military as the basic type of military organization of modern European societies with private military companies as its "subcontractors" and auxiliary forces. The hypothesis proven by the paper is that social changes that took place at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century shaped modern European societies using dominant social values in contrast to the social values traditionally implied by mandatory military service and conscription. Zygmunt Bauman's theory of fluid modernity was used for the purposes of the paper, supplemented with Giovanni Sartori's theoretical considerations on the rights-claiming society. Hypothetical-deductive and historical-comparative methods were used in the paper. The introduction explains the conditions under which mandatory military service was introduced in European countries as well as the criticism it faced previous to its suspension. The first chapter is devoted to the analysis of the reasons for reintroducing mandatory military service. In the second chapter, the social facts that resist the return of mandatory military service are analysed. These facts include: decline of power of nation states and redefinition of the concept of sovereignty during globalization, the rise of a type of society that can be called consumerist, atomized, and rights-claiming society, and the shaping of culture with a hedonistic cultural strategy. Social values of modern society are in contrast to social values on which conscription societies counted on: supremacy of the collective over the individual, disciplined repetition of routines, awareness of continuance of the nation as a higher form of shared existence for which a certain absence of comfort must be endured, along with the willingness to make personal sacrifices for the common good. Based on historical experience, the multipolar world will be a world of military competition and it is expected that many countries will attempt to reintroduce conscription. States which are able to convince their citizens that the danger to the country's freedom is realistic, will introduce this obligation provided that it takes a looser form than the one that was in force in the last century. Those countries that have suspended the obligation to serve in the military and wish to restore it but fail to convince their citizens of the reality of the threat, will face clear discontent of their citizens.
In the period between 1995 and 2012, a number of European countries suspended mandatory military service upon which European national standing armies were based, from the 19th to the end of the 20th century. The Second Crimean crisis, which yielded the renewed perception of Russia as a threat to the West, caused a narrative shift regarding military organization in Europe placing public expression of concern for efficiency of its military and its deterrence capability on the public agenda. The subject of this paper is the analysis of social facts that obstruct political decision-making on military conscription in European societies or hinder the process of reinstating mandatory military service in European countries. The aim is to point out the social determinisms that discourage the introduction of mandatory military service in Europe while favouring the professional military as the basic type of military organization of modern European societies with private military companies as its "subcontractors" and auxiliary forces. The hypothesis proven by the paper is that social changes that took place at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century shaped modern European societies using dominant social values in contrast to the social values traditionally implied by mandatory military service and conscription. Zygmunt Bauman's theory of fluid modernity was used for the purposes of the paper, supplemented with Giovanni Sartori's theoretical considerations on the rights-claiming society. Hypothetical-deductive and historical-comparative methods were used in the paper. The introduction explains the conditions under which mandatory military service was introduced in European countries as well as the criticism it faced previous to its suspension. The first chapter is devoted to the analysis of the reasons for reintroducing mandatory military service. In the second chapter, the social facts that resist the return of mandatory military service are analysed. These facts include: decline of power of nation states and redefinition of the concept of sovereignty during globalization, the rise of a type of society that can be called consumerist, atomized, and rights-claiming society, and the shaping of culture with a hedonistic cultural strategy. Social values of modern society are in contrast to social values on which conscription societies counted on: supremacy of the collective over the individual, disciplined repetition of routines, awareness of continuance of the nation as a higher form of shared existence for which a certain absence of comfort must be endured, along with the willingness to make personal sacrifices for the common good. Based on historical experience, the multipolar world will be a world of military competition and it is expected that many countries will attempt to reintroduce conscription. States which are able to convince their citizens that the danger to the country's freedom is realistic, will introduce this obligation provided that it takes a looser form than the one that was in force in the last century. Those countries that have suspended the obligation to serve in the military and wish to restore it but fail to convince their citizens of the reality of the threat, will face clear discontent of their citizens.
This paper aims to describe and explain why mandatory military service represents the optimal military model in the Republic of Serbia, from the insufficiently explored perspective of the position and nature of the military in Serbian national ethos. The authors analyze the previously provided key arguments for conscription and, furthermore, identify the characteristics of Serbian collective ethos in order to precisely define the role and nature of the military constituted by the accumulated Serbian historical experience. By comparing different contemporary models of armed forces, their advantages, disadvantages, implications and social nature, the authors conclude that conscription is compatible with Serbian national ethos and the characteristics of Serbian national identity and that, as such, it represents the optimal military model in the Republic of Serbia.
This paper aims to examine the justifiableness of the Republic of Serbia's politics of military neutrality after the beginning of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, i.e., in an era of extreme tensions between Western countries and Russia. The significance of this topic has been additionally elevated after two neutral countries, Sweden and Finland, renounced neutrality while debates about the appropriateness of neutrality emerged in other neutral countries, such are Ireland, Malta, and Austria. The purpose of the paper is to examine, from a perspective of sociology of politics, whether the position of military neutrality still represents a good foreign-policy strategy aiming to preserve sovereignty and territorial integrity. The hypothesis of this paper is that Serbia's military neutrality is justified by the social reality in Serbia. The first chapter briefly describes the historical decline of neutrality during the first half of the 20th century. In that context, observation made in mid last century, according to which neutrality was becoming an obsolete concept, is true. Increase of NATO members, as well as abandoning neutrality under the influence of globalization and negative experiences of neutral countries in the 20th century, strengthens this assertion. However, we can conclude that neutrality has existed in continuity in Europe throughout the entire modern period of history, and that there were always some states that chose neutrality, with larger or lesser prospects of success in realization of their security interests. The great revolution, one might say the collapse of neutrality or even a frenzy to align, was the result of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict and new increasing tensions between the West and Russia. The second chapter is dedicated to the causes of Serbia's decision to be military neutral. These causes include: internal division of key political acters in regards to strategic alignment, the issues of the status of Kosovo and Metohija in which the Russian Federation provides key support to Republic of Serbia in the United Nations, and the role of NATO in wars during the disintegration of Yugoslavia and currently in Kosovo and Metohija. The third chapter lists the advantages in regards to social values implied by the position of military neutrality. Authors conclude that military neutrality represents a favorable strategic option for the Republic of Serbia, not just due to painful collective memory of Serbian citizens of the NATO aggression on Yugoslavia and the support of the Russian Federation to Serbia in regards to Kosovo and Metohija, but also due to the intrinsic values of neutrality which could become an identity attribute and a foundation of the renewal of solidarity in Serbian society.
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