In July-August 2020 Global Intellectual History published a collection of articles about dynasty. Reading the guest editors' introduction about the 'invention' of dynasty, I was pleased to see several paragraphs discussing my work. My gratification turned to bafflement after I noticed that it was presented as symptomatic for ' … academic "common sense" which homogenizes global history into a history of dynasties, and thus flattens heterogenous [sic] political systems into false resemblances'. 1 This unfounded interpretation demands a riposte, and I gladly use the opportunity granted to me by Global Intellectual History. My response extends beyond the immediate issues at stake and has a wider relevance for global history's methodological quandaries. Writing my Dynasties: A Global History of Power 1300-1800, and its brief 2019 sequel, Dynasty: A Very Short Introduction, I fully anticipated sharp rebuke. 2 My comparison juxtaposes polities of all sizes and positions in world history: miniature African chiefdoms are considered in one breath with the Chinese empire. Moreover, I focus squarely on comparison and mention connections only in passing. In short: I sin against accepted guidelines of comparative history, and disregard the current dominance of the 'connected-entangled-croisée' perspective in global history. Devotees of either of these two paradigms, I surmised, will be critical. I welcome discussion about my choices. They reflect the aspiration to move beyond the current stalemate of global history, where the main paradigms seem to have settled into competing orthodoxies. These pages of Global Intellectual History are disappointing to me not because they are sharply critical of my work, but because the editors entirely miss the intellectual provocation inherent in it. So what has been the core of my initiative? My comparison was initially limited to Europe and Asia. Taking seriously comments about my book proposal kindly provided by anonymous readers of several leading presses, I chose to include Africa, the Americas, and Austronesia. I had worked on ritual kingship in Africa and SouthEast Asia before turning to the comparison of European early modern courts, and so could hazard to accept the challenge. This decision changed the course of the project more radically than I had anticipated. African examples, most notably African matrilineal practice,