The Movement Derivation of Conditional Clauses

Haegeman, Liliane

doi:10.1162/ling_a_00014

Cited by 80 publications

(48 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…For a new application of these ideas, cf. Haegeman (2010). Also see Zwart (2001) and Broekhuis (2008) for an alternative explanations.…”

Section: Position-dependent Spellout Of Verbal Inflectionmentioning

confidence: 97%

Clause-typing by [2] – the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialects

Postma¹

2013

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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Clause-Typing by [2] -the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialectsGertjan Postma (Meertens Institute Amsterdam) AbstractThe 2 nd person singular pronoun du 'thou' has been replaced by new pronouns gij/jij/jii 'you' in many Dutch dialects. The standard explanation attributes du's decline to the emerging honorific plural pronouns such as gij 'you' in singular use. In this study we trace a purely syntactic trigger for this change, thus replacing sociolinguistic and paradigmatic explanations (deflection). Using dialect geographic tools of the GTRP dialect database, we found a significant correlation between the loss of du and the rise of double present tense paradigms (direct and inverse). By defining two types of Verb Second, C-type V2 (Den Besten) and C/T-type V2 (Zwart), we show that a transition between those types predicts the loss of positiondependent spelled out pronouns such as du. The factor that blocks Den Besten-type V2 structures in clauses with [2] in Dutch dialects is the clausetyping property of the feature [2], which generate a violation that is similar to the that-trace violations with the [WH] feature.

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“…For a new application of these ideas, cf. Haegeman (2010). Also see Zwart (2001) and Broekhuis (2008) for an alternative explanations.…”

Section: Position-dependent Spellout Of Verbal Inflectionmentioning

confidence: 97%

Clause-typing by [2] – the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialects

Postma¹

2013

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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“…A suggestion that comes to mind is that it is not the focus that intervenes for Haegeman's (2010Haegeman's ( , 2012 conditional operator but the opposite. If corrective focus requires access to the root, as in Bianchi and Bocci (2013), and if access to the root is implemented syntactically (albeit non-overtly), it stands to reason that the conditional clause (perhaps the conditional operator) is a barrier to movement, in much the same way as conditional clauses are islands for overt syntactic movement.…”

Section: Jc Focus Is Not a Cleftmentioning

confidence: 99%

Focus and wh in Jamaican Creole: Movement and Exhaustiveness

Shlonsky¹,

Durrlemann-Tame²

2015

Beyond Functional Sequence

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“…Whether these heads/projections whose existence has been argued for in Italian are universally true is still an issue. However, this hypothesis helps us to study the left periphery in many other languages, for instance, Chinese (Paul 2002, 2015, Badan 2007, Stepanov and Tsai 2008, 2011, 2015, Pan 2011b. Based on the previous work, this article intends to establish an even more fine-grained cartography of the Mandarin left-periphery.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mandarin peripheral construals at the syntax-discourse interface

Pan¹

2015

The Linguistic Review

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Inspired by the split-CP hypothesis, different orders of the functional projections in the left periphery are proposed for Chinese. Based on previous studies, this paper proposes the following hierarchy for Chinese: AttitudeP1 > AttitudeP2 > Special QuestionP > Illocutionary ForceP > Only-focusP > Sentential.AspectP > TP. These projections host sentence final particles (SFP) or null operators. When the compared projections are both head-final, the syntactic word order reflects the relevant hierarchy; when the compared projections are not uniformly head-final, their scope interaction reflects the order. This study shows that the higher a projection, the more subjective its interpretation and the harder it can be embedded. For instance, being subject-oriented sentential aspects and only-type focus are not directly linked to the speaker's attitude and therefore, they can be embedded and be interpreted within the subordinate clause. As for the SFPs linked to illocutionary forces, some can be embedded, while others cannot. Special questions and the SFPs expressing the speaker's mood, interjection and attitude cannot be embedded at all. This fact is regarded as an indirect argument in favor of my proposal.Keywords: left-periphery, sentence final particles, Mandarin Chinese, root, Main Clause Phenomena IntroductionAdopting the split-CP hypothesis (Rizzi 1997, among others), a number of generative linguists have been working on the "cartography" of the left-periphery with the aim of establishing a map, as detailed as possible, of the functional projections in the CP domain. The study of Italian (Cinque 1999, Rizzi 2004, Benincà and Poletto 2004, Cinque and Rizzi 2008 shows that functional projections which host elements such as topics, foci, interrogative words, different adverbs, etc. are hierarchically ordered in precise ways. Whether these heads/projections whose existence has been argued for in Italian are universally true is still an issue. However, this hypothesis helps us to study the left periphery in many other languages, for instance, Chinese (Paul 2002, 2015, Badan 2007, Stepanov and Tsai 2008, 2011, 2015, Pan 2011b. Based on the previous work, this article intends to establish an even more fine-grained cartography of the Mandarin left-periphery. It will also show in what way the hierarchy of the functional projections proposed here is compatible with the previously established orders. The general conclusion of this study reveals that the

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The Movement Derivation of Conditional Clauses

Cited by 80 publications

References 40 publications

Clause-typing by [2] – the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialects

Clause-typing by [2] – the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialects

Focus and wh in Jamaican Creole: Movement and Exhaustiveness

Mandarin peripheral construals at the syntax-discourse interface

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