The Nationalisation of Post-Communist Party Systems

Bochsler, Daniel

doi:10.1080/09668136.2010.481387

Cited by 45 publications

(39 citation statements)

References 50 publications

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“…This approach has received little attention in the literature, with the few exceptions of Morgenstern et al . () and Daniel Bochsler (), who preferred additive models.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Combined Impact of Decentralisation and Personalism on the Nationalisation of Party Systems

Simón

2013

Political Studies

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In this article I address the impact of decentralisation on the nationalisation of party systems. Many scholars have argued that when a country decentralises, candidates have greater incentives to compete locally and party system nationalisation is eroded. However, the empirical results are inconclusive, particularly in Western European countries, so it is necessary to revisit this causal link. My argument is that the impact of decentralisation on the nationalisation of party systems is conditional on the extent to which electoral law encourages personal voting.When electoral laws are candidate-centred, party labels are not very relevant in politicians' (re-)election; this makes candidates more likely to compete locally in a decentralised country and to weaken party system nationalisation. Through two different indices of nationalisation and statistical techniques, I test the robustness of this argument by drawing on data from national legislative elections held in seventeen Western European countries. The evidence confirms the main argument as well as the de-nationalising effect of ethnic fragmentation and district magnitude.

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“…This approach has received little attention in the literature, with the few exceptions of Morgenstern et al . () and Daniel Bochsler (), who preferred additive models.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Combined Impact of Decentralisation and Personalism on the Nationalisation of Party Systems

Simón

2013

Political Studies

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“…Ethnic heterogeneity, or the unresolved status of ethnic minorities, were important challenges to realising these objectives, and the relationship between kin states and their external minorities did not help to resolve these problems (Csergő and Deegan-Krause 2011). Ethnic and nationalist issues have become politically salient all across countries in the region (Evans and Whitefield 2000), and incorporated into their party systems (Birnir 2007;Bochsler 2010). Nationalist issues are easily instrumentalised by parties with a majority-nationalist agenda.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Forbidden Fruit of Federalism: Evidence from Romania and Slovakia

Bochsler¹,

Szöcsik²

2013

West European Politics

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Territorial autonomy is one aspect of power-sharing in multi-ethnic societies. Nevertheless, the multi-ethnic countries of Central and Eastern Europe are still among the most centralised in the European Union. This article analyses the failure of any attempts to establish (symmetric) federalism or (asymmetric) autonomy, creating self-governed regions by the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Slovakia. The analysis focuses on the positions of the main parties of the ethnic majorities and the Hungarian minority parties in the two countries. In both cases, the parties representing the Hungarian minorities have favoured territorial autonomy along ethnic lines, but this demand has been rejected by the parties of the ethnic majority. Against the historical legacy of unstable borders, the parties of the ethnic majority argue that territorial autonomy or federalisation might be a first step for a revisionist agenda and separatism. Instead, supported by the European integration, the parties have been able to agree on decentralisation as a half-hearted compromise.

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“…Party nationalisation scores are often based on a Gini-coefficient which indicates the extent to which party vote shares vary across the districts and it leads to one party-election score (Bochsler 2010a). The Gini-measurement requires that the researcher classifies different electoral alliances under one label, although the parties involved in an electoral alliance may differ substantially across the districts.…”

Section: Cases Variables and Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This means that commonly used indicators of party and party-system indicators cannot be employed. Nationalisation in CEECs has been studied using party nationalisation measures which look at how equally distributed vote shares are across the territory (Bochsler 2010a(Bochsler , 2010bTiemann 2012). Parties and party systems are nationalised when, for example, party A obtains 90% and party B wins 10% of the vote across all constituencies.…”

Section: Regional Institutions and Territoriality Of The Vote In Centmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nationalisation of regional elections in Central and Eastern Europe

Schakel

2015

East European Politics

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Territory is a salient issue in post-communist countries in Europe, yet subnational elections have received surprisingly little attention. This article analyses congruence between national and regional elections in Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and the Slovak Republic held between 1993 and 2010. The findings suggest that election incongruence can be partly explained by approaches which work well in the West European context -territorial cleavages, regional authority and the second-order election model -but in order to fully grasp regional election outcomes in post-communist countries one also needs to take into account electoral alliance strategies and party supply change.

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The Nationalisation of Post-Communist Party Systems

Cited by 45 publications

References 50 publications

The Combined Impact of Decentralisation and Personalism on the Nationalisation of Party Systems

The Combined Impact of Decentralisation and Personalism on the Nationalisation of Party Systems

The Forbidden Fruit of Federalism: Evidence from Romania and Slovakia

Nationalisation of regional elections in Central and Eastern Europe

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