The new class war: Excluding the working class in 21st‐century Britain

Evans, Geoff; Tilley, James

doi:10.1111/j.2050-5876.2015.00821.x

Cited by 7 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Indeed, grievance-based accounts of participation have traditionally linked relative deprivation with antisystemic action (Buechler 2004). Moreover, negative economic conditions could be seen to deepen existent inequalities in political voice (Evans and Tilley 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Relative deprivation and inequalities in social and political activism

et al. 2017

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In this paper we analyse whether relative deprivation has divergent effects on different types of social and political action. We expect that it will depress volunteering with parties as well as different types of conventional political participation more generally while stimulating volunteering with anti-cuts organisations and engagement in various kinds of protest activism. There is little research into how relative deprivation impacts on different types of social and political action from the wide range of activities available to citizens in contemporary democracies as well as into how this relationship might vary based on the wider economic context. While many studies construct scales, we examine participation in specific activities and associations, such as parties or anti-cuts organisations, voting, contacting, demonstrating and striking to show that deprivation has divergent effects that depart from what is traditionally argued. We apply random effects models with cross-level interactions utilizing an original cross-national European dataset collected in 2015 (N = 17,667) within a collaborative funded-project. We show that a negative economic context has a mobilizing effect by both increasing the stimulating effect of relative deprivation on protest activism as well as by closing or reversing the gap between resource-poor and resource-rich groups for volunteering with parties and voting.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Relative deprivation and inequalities in social and political activism

et al. 2017

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“…Although perhaps unsurprising, given the increasing professionalisation of politics and its dominance by the degree-holding middle class, these findings offer support for recent contentions that the working classes are increasingly excluded from British political life. 5 Figure 2 summarises the variation in levels of political ambition across key demographic subgroups by taking the overall sample's level of political ambition and comparing the reported ambition of each subgroup as defined by the listed characteristic. So, for example, the level of ambition among men is 4 per cent higher than the sample as a whole, while it is almost 4 per cent lower for women.…”

Section: Personal and Socioeconomic Profile Of The Politically (Un)ammentioning

confidence: 99%

An Analysis of Political Ambition in Britain

Allen¹,

Cutts²

2018

Political Quarterly

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Representative democracies require sufficient numbers of citizens to put themselves forward as candidates for political office. Existing studies have shown that political institutions are not representative of the population as a whole, suggesting that political ambition is not evenly distributed across all potential candidates. We discuss evidence from the first systematic study of political ambition in Britain, examining the question of who is interested in putting themselves forward for political office. We find patterns in the distribution of political ambition that help to explain why British political institutions do not look like the British people as a whole and include a gender gap, a social class gap, an education gap, a northsouth divide, and a personality gap. We discuss the implications of our findings for political parties, arguing that they need to adjust practices of candidate recruitment in such a way that minimises the effects of these biases.

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“…This is completely unsatisfactory since the unemployed share a marginality to the world of work or to anything beyond the most rudimentary incomes. Many sociologists [see Garner, 2011;Evans & Tilley, 2015;Savage, 2015;Hanley, 2016;Bloodworth, 2016 andEvans &Tilley, 2016] still refer to certain urban areas as 'working class' despite the fact that almost nobody is engaged in paid employment and most households subsist on benefits. The unemployed are better conceptualized as a separate category and positioned at the base of the ladder/gradient/hierarchy.…”

Section: Source: Penn and Dawkins 1983mentioning

confidence: 99%