1998
DOI: 10.1017/s0010417598001704
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The New Religious Politics: Where, When, and Why Do “Fundamentalisms” Appear?

Abstract: The reasons for the recent and simultaneous appearance, or rise in influence, in much of the world of "fundamentalist" or doctrinally and socially conservative religiopolitical mass movements have been analyzed for individual groups but rarely in a way that compares all the main religions and the regions in which they are strong. 1 Rarer still have been analyses of why such movements have expanded in most areas only since the 1970s, what causes exist in areas where these movements are strong and why they diffe… Show more

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Cited by 138 publications
(31 citation statements)
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“…4 For instance, politicization of religion might increase the risk of a violent escalation of a conflict, which is principally rooted in political or socioeconomic problems (e.g. Keddie 1998;Hasenclever/De Juan 2007: 21-24).…”
Section: How Religion May Impact Armed Conflictmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…4 For instance, politicization of religion might increase the risk of a violent escalation of a conflict, which is principally rooted in political or socioeconomic problems (e.g. Keddie 1998;Hasenclever/De Juan 2007: 21-24).…”
Section: How Religion May Impact Armed Conflictmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Veiling is a unifying cultural marker for the movement and a signifier of its growing strength among Hamas followers. Alternatively, as Keddie suggests, it may be more of a way of asserting communal identity, rather than being such a strong religious marker (Keddie 1998). Veiling can also become an important political symbol employed to forge a new social 'modern' identity, and it can act as a tool in opening new possibilities for women within and outside the movement.…”
Section: The Moral Nation Needs Moral Womenmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In what follows, I examine the position of women within the Salvation Party and the ways in which their roles differed from those played by nationalist and secularist women within the structure of the national movement. Throughout this paper, I reserve the term 'Islamist women' for those who belong to the Islamic movement and who are actively engaged through their activism in the public sphere in promoting what Keddie has called an 'Islamic state that would enforce at least some Islamic laws and customs' (Keddie 1998;Karam 1998: 16).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The majority of writings about Islamic Fundamentalism cite socioeconomic factors and political reasons as responsible for the rise of these movements: social crises and societal challenges, corrupt statesmen, demographic explosion, pronounced inequality of wealth, economic slowdowns, stagnation and insecurity, lack of education opportunities, mass unemployment, chaotic urbanization, a sense of external domination, and spurious democratic systems (Keddie, 1998;Hallyday and Alevi, 1988;Deeb, 1992;Esposito, 1997;Ayoob, 2004). The conventional wisdom that militant Islam, on the individual level, attracts the alienated and the marginal, has many well-placed adherents.…”
Section: Research Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%