The Only Way is Up?: Employment Protection and Job Mobility among Recent Entrants to European Labour Markets

Gangl, Markus

doi:10.1093/esr/19.5.429

Cited by 77 publications

(50 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…Our finding that older workers suffer most from plant closure contradicts one strand of the international literature which argues that labor market institutions are biased primarily against young workers (Allmendinger 1989;Blanchflower and Freeman 2000;Gangl 2002;Breen 2005). A possible explanation for our contrasting result may be that in Switzerland young workers are comparatively well integrated into the labor market.…”

Section: Fig 33contrasting

confidence: 87%

Reemployment or Unemployment

Baumann

2016

Life Course Research and Social Policies

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Previous research on displaced workers' labor market prospects shows that workers with a higher educational level are substantially more likely to return to employment than low-educated workers. There seem to be two main reasons for this finding. First, the demand for high-skilled labor is rising as a consequence of the automation of production processes and technological change that is skill-biased in favor of highly educated workers. Second, education is an important signal to employers about workers' unobserved abilities such as their ability to learn. We therefore hypothesize that low-and mid-educated workers encounter more difficulties in finding a job than highly educated workers (hypothesis H1, see Sect. 1.4).With respect to reemployment after job loss, studies also show that older workers experience much greater difficulties in returning to the active labor force than younger workers. This phenomenon may be due to older workers' longer firm tenure which goes along with a skills profile that contains a large amount of firmspecific skills not readily transferable to a new firm. Accordingly, we expect older workers to have more difficulty in returning to the active labor force than younger workers (hypothesis H1).We begin our empirical analysis with the question whether displaced workers managed to return to the active labor force within the time that passed between their job loss and our survey. We assess this question based on our combined data and then compare the finding with the counterfactual outcome of a control group of nondisplaced workers. We then identify the socio-demographic and contextual factors that potentially favor or inhibit workers' reemployment and discuss how this result compares with findings from earlier studies and different contexts. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results for our hypotheses.

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Section: Fig 33contrasting

confidence: 87%

Reemployment or Unemployment

Baumann

2016

Life Course Research and Social Policies

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“…Hence, the second hypothesis reads as follows: the stricter the employment protection legislation is in a country, the smaller the risk for school-leavers of losing their job (hypothesis 2). With respect to job quality, I expect a positive effect of employment protection legislation, although there is no empirical research so far that has produced supportive evidence in terms of occupational status attainment (Gangl, 2003). It is assumed that in deregulated labour markets, and particularly in times of job growth, school-leavers have better opportunities to enter the employed labour force than in regulated labour markets, but often in non-standard, legally less protected jobs (in the secondary segment of the labour market).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 92%

Patterns of Labour Market Entry

Wolbers

2007

Acta Sociologica

228

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Youth labour market integration differs considerably across European countries. There are marked cross-national differences not only in terms of youth unemployment, but also in terms of the quality of the jobs in which young people are employed. This article explains cross-national patterns of labour market entry among school-leavers in 11 European countries. It is hypothesized that national differences in employment protection legislation and the vocational specificity of the education system, in addition to the structural effect of macro-economic conditions, attribute to the observed cross-national variation in youth labour market integration. On the basis of the European Union LFS 2000 ad hoc module on school-to-work transitions, the speed, the quality and the stability of the labour market entry process are analysed. The results indicate that national institutional differences regarding employment protection legislation and the vocational specificity of the education system do indeed affect cross-national differences in labour market entry patterns. However, the impact of both institutional features varies considerably by level of education.

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“…Typical examples are general educational degrees or certificates, for instance in fine arts, humanities, or general language skills. Persons with such a background must often go through a prolonged job search and may end up with a lower occupational status than they expected, fewer occupational rewards, lower income, or a higher risk of unemployment (Allmendinger 1989;Wolbers 2003;Konietzka 2002;Gangl 2003a;2003b). In societies in which motherhood and marriage is an alternative to being in the labor market, women with such educations may opt for them.…”

Section: Job Content and Job Prospectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Education and childlessness

Hoem¹,

Neyer²,

Andersson³

2006

DemRes

121

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In this paper we extend the concept of educational attainment to cover the field of education taken in addition to the conventional level of education attained. Our empirical investigation uses register records containing childbearing and educational histories of an entire cohort of women born in Sweden (about a quarter-million individuals). This allows us to operate with a high number of educational field-and-level combinations (some sixty in all). It turns out that the field of education serves as an indicator of a woman's potential reproductive behavior better than the mere level attained. We discover that in each field permanent childlessness increases some with the educational level, but that the field itself is the more important. In general, we find that women educated for jobs in teaching and health care are in a class of their own, with much lower permanent childlessness at each educational level than in any other major grouping. Women educated in arts and humanities or for religious occupations have unusually high fractions permanently childless.Our results cast doubt on the assumption that higher education per se must result in higher childlessness. In our opinion, several factors intrinsic and extrinsic to an educational system (such as its flexibility, its gender structure, and the manner in which education is hooked up to the labor market) may influence the relationship between education and childlessness, and we would not expect a simple, unidirectional relationship.

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The Only Way is Up?: Employment Protection and Job Mobility among Recent Entrants to European Labour Markets

Cited by 77 publications

References 33 publications

Reemployment or Unemployment

Reemployment or Unemployment

Patterns of Labour Market Entry

Education and childlessness

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