The onomastic possibility of renaming the Sepedi and Sesotho sa Leboa (Northern Sotho) language names to restore peace, dignity and solidarity

Rakgogo, Tebogo Jacob; Zungu, Evangeline Bonisiwe

doi:10.4102/lit.v42i1.1696

Cited by 12 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…Technically, the only distinction is the fact that the standard languages (Sepedi and Tshivenda) have been codified. This means they have linguistic (spelling and grammatical) rules, and they are the ones that are strictly associated with positive connotations such as education, sophistication, power, prestige and high status while the other one (dialect) is associated with negative connotations such as low level of education and low status (Rakgogo 2019).…”

Section: Dialect Vis-à-vis Languagementioning

confidence: 99%

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Lexical similarities between Khelobedu dialect and Tshivenḓa and Sepedi languages

Rakgogo

Mandende

2023

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This article endeavours to argue from a linguistic point of view for the ‘independence’ of Khelobedu, to be recognised as an additional official language in the Republic of South Africa. The speakers of Khelobedu speak neither Sepedi or Tshivenḓa as some linguists claim. From the wide range of literature on this phenomenon, some Sepedi and Tshivenḓa linguists claim that this language (Khelobedu) is their dialect. This indecisiveness leaves Khelobedu speakers in limbo. As a result, Balobedu learners end up performing poorly academically because they learn the Sepedi language as their second language instead. The purpose of this article is to argue on linguistic grounds against such a classification by the earlier linguists and missionaries as the findings succinctly provide evidence in support of this position. In attempting to dispute this classification, the content analysis method was employed for data gathering purposes. A comparative lexicostatistic approach was used to undergird the study. In terms of data, Khelobedu, Tshivenḓa and Sepedi lexical items were collected and compared to corroborate the claim. Nevertheless, Khelobedu strongly shows its ‘independence’ as do Sepedi, Sesotho, Setswana and isiZulu, isiNdebele, isiXhosa and Siswati. Furthermore, Khelobedu and Sepedi differ greatly in terms of their pronunciation. The issue around mutual intelligibility, we argue, should not be put into this equation. The article recommends that Khelobedu be regarded as an official language that Balobedu learners and students could use as a medium of teaching and learning; furthermore, Balobedu’s identity should also not be compromised.Contribution: The significance and contribution of this article to scientific knowledge resides in its contention that the classification of Khelobedu as one of the dialects of the Sepedi or Northern Sotho language lacks linguistic justification. The article further argues that this misclassification was due to the partnership that existed between the missionaries and the colonial government in consultation with their informants who only recognised varieties where the missionaries settled and operated. Therefore, it is postulated that Khelobedu should be considered a fully fledged language since it shows its own linguistic repertoire.

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Section: Dialect Vis-à-vis Languagementioning

confidence: 99%

“…As authors, we are fully aware that 'Sepedi' replaced 'Northern Sotho/Sesotho sa Leboa' as the official name for the language according to the Section 6(1) of the Constitution of South Africa, Act No. 108 of 1996 (Rakgogo & Van Huyssteen 2018, 2019Rakgogo & Zungu 2021, 2022a, 2022b.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Lexical similarities between Khelobedu dialect and Tshivenḓa and Sepedi languages

Rakgogo

Mandende

2023

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“…The Balobedu claim to speak Khelobedu, and not Sepedi. The same applies to the Amabhaça of the Eastern Cape (South Africa) who also claim to speak isiBhaça, and not isiXhosa or isiZulu (Rakgogo and Van Huyssteen 2019;Majola et al 2019;Rakgogo and Zungu 2021). Therefore, the issue of language and identity needs to be treated with caution because it is an emotive matter, and manifests various layers of coloniality; hence, this article's engagement with dialectology from a decolonial perspective.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Thus, there is a connection between a language (dialect) and education, particularly because dialects are carriers of indigenous knowledge systems. Therefore, when one dialect is accorded prestige and an official status as a standard language at the expense of its other dialects, multifarious challenges arise, not only for the students but also society as a whole (Majola et al 2019;Ramothwala et al 2021;2022;Rakgogo and Zungu 2021;Rakgogo and Mandende 2022). This is why this article considers the dialects of a given "mother" language as being vital in the development and preservation of that language.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Not on my watch: (Re)clamations of my Tshimanda, my identity, my language

Mandende,

Sebola,

Mudau

et al. 2024

SAJHE

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The standardisation process of a language is always a polemic undertaking, and Tshivenḓa is no exception. This article explores the Tshivenḓa dialects and the standardisation process that this language went through. The importance of language as a primary resource for an individual, social identification, and also as a means of learning and communication, cannot be overemphasised. Moreover, when different language varieties come into contact, acculturation is inevitable, i.e., linguistic and cultural elements from both sides will diffuse and “contaminate” each other’s languages and culture. However, this phenomenon is not fully researched, especially among the Tshivenḓa dialects. The lexicographers and terminographers, who are tasked with the development and maintenance of the Tshivenḓa language, seem to be “trapped” in the colonial and apartheid era, i.e., of selecting and elevating one dialect over others to represent a language. Since 1994, the year of the dawn of a democratic dispensation in South Africa, this process has proceeded at a snail’s pace. In this study, a qualitative, ethnographic approach was adopted, and data were collected through telephonic interviews, where six participants were purposefully and conveniently sampled. The findings of this study may benefit speakers of Tshivenḓa, lexicographers, terminographers, and all language practitioners, teachers, and learners. When people value their language and heritage, use it often without prejudice or hesitancy, and practice their culture and traditions, their identity, history, dignity, and heritage become preserved. Tshivenḓa, at the official level, may have many lexical items in its endeavour to carry out its function as an official language in different domains.

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“…From a political point of view, one can claim that the sociolinguistic situation faced by Umzimkhulu citizens does not suit a democratic and multilingual country such as the Republic of South Africa. It is pivotal to indicate that the realm of this article is both linguistic and political as Rakgogo (2019) points out that language issues are regarded as political exercises in a South African context.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Language maintenance and shift among amaBhaca of Umzimkhulu, KwaZulu-Natal

2023

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Umzimkhulu, previously Transkei, is a small KwaZulu-Natal town. AmaBhaca Umzimkhulu residents speak isiBhaca, a dialect of isiXhosa that is mutually intelligible with isiZulu and siSwati. IsiBhaca is not official in South Africa. Most Umzimkhulu residents are amaBhaca, although education, health, religious, and government institutions use isiZulu and isiXhosa. This article investigated Umzimkhulu amaBhaca language maintenance and shift. The possibility of maintaining isiBhaca or shifting to isiZulu or isiXhosa is examined. The article used a mixed-methods approach, and data were acquired from purposively selected participants who have been classified as isiBhaca speakers born and raised in Umzimkhulu. The findings showed that isiBhaca is closer to isiZulu than isiXhosa, despite being designated a dialect of isiXhosa. The 2006 categorization of Umzimkhulu under KZN caused this trend toward isiZulu. This article showed that the amaBhaca are abandoning their language since they must use dominant/standard languages as the official language. Thus, they had to prioritise knowledge of the two over L1 to survive. It was demonstrated that many value isiBhaca and want it promoted. Others prefer dominant languages like isiXhosa or isiZulu and are unconcerned about the extinction of isiBhaca.Contribution: This research shows the importance of the revitalisation and preservation of minority languages and non-standard languages such as isiBhaca. This study is expected to impact sociolinguistics significantly in Southern Africa and other places with diverse languages and dialects.

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The onomastic possibility of renaming the Sepedi and Sesotho sa Leboa (Northern Sotho) language names to restore peace, dignity and solidarity

Cited by 12 publications

References 3 publications

Lexical similarities between Khelobedu dialect and Tshivenḓa and Sepedi languages

Lexical similarities between Khelobedu dialect and Tshivenḓa and Sepedi languages

Not on my watch: (Re)clamations of my Tshimanda, my identity, my language

Language maintenance and shift among amaBhaca of Umzimkhulu, KwaZulu-Natal

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