The Opportunities and Costs of Voice and Exit: Modelling Ethnic Group Rebellion and Emigration

Okamoto, Dina G.; Wilkes, Rima

doi:10.1080/13691830701880194

Cited by 12 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…This narrative and its migration consequences are further enhanced by Europeans’ greater exit opportunities (cf. Okamoto and Wilkes, 2008) – the ability to immigrate to and settle in Russia thanks both to the Russian immigration policies favoring the ‘return of compatriots’ and to their ethnoracial and linguistic affinity with the core of Russia’s population. In comparison, for Uzbeks, a large minority that is native to Kyrgyzstan, neighboring Uzbekistan is not a comparably symbolic anchor; moreover, Uzbekistan is a much less attractive migration destination economically.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In addition, or as an alternative to, ethnic confrontation, in many multi-ethnic settings emigration of ethnic minorities has been a response to discrimination, exclusion, and threat of violence (Okamoto and Wilkes, 2008; Zolberg et al., 1989). Notably, as Okamoto and Wilkes (2008) argue, the opportunity to emigrate may play a more important role than the costs of staying in the choice of the emigration route. Paralleling the reality of many post-colonial and similar settings (e.g.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Agadjanian

2019

Ethnicities

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The nation-building projects in much of post-socialist Eurasia have been characterized by the promotion of ethnic majorities and marginalization of minority groups. In dialogue with the scholarship on nation-building, ethnic exclusion and conflict, and ethnic migration, this study examines individual views on current and future interethnic relations, assessments of prospects for own ethnicity, expectations for future economic changes, and intentions to migrate abroad in the multiethnic nation of Kyrgyzstan. I use nationally representative survey data to model differences in these outcomes across the majority-minorities divides and between regional subgroups of the nation’s ethnic majority. The results show that a native minority that experienced recent ethnic violence has the most negative assessment of current interethnic relations. However, the minority group of outside origin, which never suffered direct violence but whose size and societal preeminence have eroded rapidly, is least optimistic about the future and is most inclined to migrate. Yet, the analyses also detect substantial regional differences within the ethnic majority, underscoring the complexity of historically-rooted ethnocultural and socioeconomic cleavages as well as of more recent political experiences. I interpret these findings within the context of evolving meanings of ethnic identity and national belonging in this rapidly changing society.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Agadjanian

2019

Ethnicities

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“…Second, it provides an empirical alternative to the numerous studies that have found that those with resources and vested interests (economic or otherwise) choose to stay and protest, rather than emigrate (Hirschman and Pfaff with East Germany; Colomer with Cuba). Anglophone out‐migration from Québec highlights important differences that explain why this is so: (a) voice was ineffective regardless of individuals' resource availability to invest in collective action (Okamoto and Wilkes also find that opportunities for voice matter more than costs of voice); (b) exit remained fairly cheap (especially compared to voice) and open; and (c) ethnic nationalism diminished Anglophone dominance in the economy, reducing the economic return, especially for high‐resource Anglophones with ‘louder voices’ who may have otherwise stayed and protested.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The problem of disentangling economic and political motivations for migrating should not be surprising because many of the economic changes in Québec during this period are consequences of ethno‐nationalistic policies (see Carens ; Lemco ). As Dina G. Okamoto and Rima Wilkes () state, it is often difficult to use the effects of nationalism to directly explain the options available to threatened minority ethnic groups; why some choose ‘fight’ and others choose ‘flight’. However, according to most accounts, Anglo protest during the 1970s was largely absent; as Graham Fraser (: 111) notes, ‘thousands of Anglophones, given the choice between adapting to an increasingly French‐speaking environment and moving, moved’.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Migration and ethnic nationalism: Anglophone exit and the ‘decolonisation’ of Québec

Pettinicchio

2012

Nations and Nationalism

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This article explains the effects of ethnic nationalism on Anglophone and Francophone migration. The rise of Québec ethnic nationalism in the 1960s dismantled the cultural division of labour, which created new opportunities for Francophones but threatened Anglophones' traditional dominance over the Québec economy. This had negative consequences for Anglophones but positive outcomes for Francophones, which in turn accounts for differences in migration patterns. Drawing from the internal colony model as well as migration and exit‐voice theories, and using ecological census data, micro‐census data and election panel data, I find that the key variables that increase the likelihood of Anglophone out‐migration either do not explain Francophone out‐migration or have opposite effects. This is because ethnonationalist policies decreased the economic return particularly for well‐educated, higher‐earning, professional Anglophones in Québec, while increasing the economic position of Francophones and in particular well‐educated professionals.

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“…Third, emigration flows themselves are likely endogenously related to our outcome variable, as exit is often motivated by political instability and uncertainty (e.g. Davenport, Moore & Poe, 2003;Moore & Shellman, 2004;Okamoto & Wilkes, 2008). In contrast, the two factors we isolate here -state-imposed restrictions on citizens' ability to leave, and the availability of economic opportunities abroad -are less susceptible to this problem.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Freedom of foreign movement, economic opportunities abroad, and protest in non-democratic regimes

Barry

Clay

Flynn

et al. 2014

Journal of Peace Research

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Allowing or restricting foreign movement is a crucial policy choice for leaders. We argue that freedom of foreign movement reduces the level of civil unrest under non-democratic regimes, but only in some circumstances. Our argument relies on the trade-offs inherent in exit and voice as distinct strategies for dealing with a corrupt and oppressive state. By permitting exit and thereby lowering its relative costs, authoritarians can make protest and other modes of expressing dissatisfaction less attractive for potential troublemakers. Liberalizing foreign movement can thus function as a safety valve for releasing domestic pressure. But the degree to which allowing emigration is an effective regime strategy is shaped by the economic opportunities offered by countries receiving immigrants. We find that freedom of foreign movement and the existence of economic opportunities abroad reduce civil unrest in non-democratic states. However, at high levels of unemployment in the developed world, greater freedom of foreign movement actually increases protest.

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The Opportunities and Costs of Voice and Exit: Modelling Ethnic Group Rebellion and Emigration

Cited by 12 publications

References 29 publications

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Migration and ethnic nationalism: Anglophone exit and the ‘decolonisation’ of Québec

Freedom of foreign movement, economic opportunities abroad, and protest in non-democratic regimes

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