If, while staying in a foreign country, in Constantinople for example or in Persia, you wanted to dress in the national costume, would the artisan you would call for worry about the shape of your French garment? Would he count the number of its different pieces? Would he consider anything other than your size and the proportions of your body? . . . . Imitate him: words and signs are the simple garments of thought. 1 With this anecdote, Rémi Valade introduced Essai sur la grammaire du langage naturel des signes à l'usage des instituteurs de sourds-muets avec planches et figures (Essay on the Grammar of the Natural Language of Signs for the Use of Teachers of Deaf-Mutes, 1854), illuminating the distinction between the syntax of sign language and that of speech. Sign language, he argued, should not translate spoken French literally but stand in direct relation to thought. With this salvo, he took a powerful position against the positions that abbots Charles-Michel de l'Épée and Roch Ambroise Cucurron Sicard put forth in the development of another sign language tradition, based on the autonomy of sign language. This was not a move to be taken lightly, as Valade was essentially establishing himself in opposition to the first two leaders of the first school to develop pedagogical techniques based on the use of sign language, which served as a model for the development of pedagogy for the deaf in Europe and in the US. 2 Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. 1 Rémi Valade, Essai sur la Grammaire du langage naturel des signes à l'usage des instituteurs de sourds-muets avec planches et figures (Paris, 1854), p. xiii. 2 In the context of this article I avoid using Deaf with a capital D because of its anachronistic character. Following Annelies Kusters, Maartje De Meulder, and Dai O'Brien's position in the introduction to their book Innovations in Deaf Studies: The Role of Deaf Scholars, I have decided to use the term deaf with a small d as the most inclusive term throughout the article, when no other term is prompted by the context; see Annelies Kusters, Maartje De Meulder, and Dai O'Brien, "Innovations in Deaf Studies: Critically Mapping the Field," in Innovations in Deaf Studies: The Role of Deaf Scholars, ed. Kusters, De Meulder, O'Brien (New York, 2017), pp. 13-15. I keep the terms deaf-mute and deaf and mute any time that they are used by the authors that I quote and in the names of the institutions. At the time of de l'Épée and Pierre Desloges, the appellation in use was deaf and mutes. The compound word deaf-mute circulated in France from the French revolution, when the decision was made to create National Institutes for Deaf-Mutes. Legally, deaf-mute children were entitled to an education (even though in practice funds were never sufficient and just a small percentage got access to that education). As such, this research does not write the history of the people